Changes

Today, there are less than 20 native speakers of the Ainu language, though tens of thousands, mainly living in Hokkaidô and Tokyo, claim partial or full Ainu heritage. The Ainu were formally recognized by the Japanese government as an indigenous people in recent years, though social programs and the like for the Ainu are centered exclusively in Hokkaidô, making it difficult for Ainu in Tokyo or elsewhere to benefit.

Today, there are less than 20 native speakers of the Ainu language, though tens of thousands, mainly living in Hokkaidô and Tokyo, claim partial or full Ainu heritage. The Ainu were formally recognized by the Japanese government as an indigenous people in recent years, though social programs and the like for the Ainu are centered exclusively in Hokkaidô, making it difficult for Ainu in Tokyo or elsewhere to benefit.

==Origins==

==Origins==

As in many indigenous cultures around the world, in their own language, the word "Ainu" simply means "human being" or "person." The relationship of the Ainu to the [[Emishi]] or other indigenous groups pushed back from Eastern Japan to Tôhoku, and eventually to Hokkaidô, in earlier periods is unclear, as is the relationship of the Ainu and the Japanese ("[[Yamato people]]") to the [[Jomon Period|Jômon]]/[[Yayoi Period|Yayoi]] divide.

As in many indigenous cultures around the world, in their own language, the word "Ainu" simply means "human being" or "person." The relationship of the Ainu to the [[Emishi]] or other indigenous groups pushed back from Eastern Japan to Tôhoku, and eventually to Hokkaidô, in earlier periods is unclear, as is the relationship of the Ainu and the Japanese ("[[Yamato people]]") to the [[Jomon Period|Jômon]]/[[Yayoi Period|Yayoi]] divide.

While some suggest that the Ainu are direct descendants of the Jômon people who settled the Japanese islands around 12,000 years ago (or earlier), there is much which remains unknown about the ethnic origins of the Ainu. Some research has suggested genetic or ethnic connections with peoples as far away as Tibet and the Andaman Islands.<ref name=soas>Gallery labels, "Master - An Ainu Story," photo exhibit by Adam Isfendiyar, SOAS Brunei Gallery, Fall 2018.</ref>

While some suggest that the Ainu are direct descendants of the Jômon people who settled the Japanese islands around 12,000 years ago (or earlier), there is much which remains unknown about the ethnic origins of the Ainu. Some research has suggested genetic or ethnic connections with peoples as far away as Tibet and the Andaman Islands.<ref name=soas/>

Whatever their ethnic origins, the term "Ainu" is generally used only in discussions of the 14th century and beyond, following certain developments in the merging of various Satsumon (Emishi) and Okhotsk cultures.<ref name=soas/>

Whatever their ethnic origins, the term "Ainu" is generally used only in discussions of the 14th century and beyond, following certain developments in the merging of various Satsumon (Emishi) and Okhotsk cultures.<ref name=soas/>

''Kotan'' were self-organized, usually locating themselves near a river or seashore. They did not "own" land in any manner resembling modern concepts of ownership, with written contracts, legal codes, and/or systems of inheritance. Rather, so long as a plot of land was under cultivation by an individual, family, or ''kotan'', others would respect the claim or "rights" to that land.<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p15.</ref>

''Kotan'' were self-organized, usually locating themselves near a river or seashore. They did not "own" land in any manner resembling modern concepts of ownership, with written contracts, legal codes, and/or systems of inheritance. Rather, so long as a plot of land was under cultivation by an individual, family, or ''kotan'', others would respect the claim or "rights" to that land.<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p15.</ref>

The men of a given ''kotan'' would hunt and fish in their area, chiefly [[bear]] and [[salmon]], while the women farmed, mainly millet, beans, barley, wheat, sorghum, and vegetables. They would usually burn the field first, creating ash which served as fertilizer, and would then cultivate a given plot for a year or two before allowing that area to return to nature, and turning to a different plot of land to claim as theirs to cultivate for a period. The Ainu, especially in Sakhalin, bred dogs, which they used for a variety of purposes, including as hunting companions, sled dogs, and for their fur/skins and their meat.

The men of a given ''kotan'' would hunt and fish in their area, chiefly [[bear]] and [[salmon]], while the women farmed, mainly millet, beans, barley, wheat, sorghum, and vegetables. They would usually burn the field first, creating ash which served as fertilizer, and would then cultivate a given plot for a year or two before allowing that area to return to nature, and turning to a different plot of land to claim as theirs to cultivate for a period. Bows called ''ku'' and made of [[Japanese yew]] (Ainu: ''kuneni'') were used along with poisoned arrows for hunting boar, bears, deer, and other animals.<ref>Gallery labels, "Master - An Ainu Story," photo exhibit by Adam Isfendiyar, SOAS Brunei Gallery, Fall 2018.[https://www.flickr.com/photos/toranosuke/33763404288/in/photostream/]</ref> The Ainu, especially in Sakhalin, also bred dogs, which they used for a variety of purposes, including as hunting companions, sled dogs, and for their fur/skins and their meat.

Ainu never engaged in rice cultivation traditionally, but purchased rice from the Japanese, who called themselves ''Wajin'' (和人), among other terms, to identify themselves in contrast to the Ainu Other. This term, ''wajin'' only first appears in extant texts in [[1799]], however, while the Ainu term ''shamo'', used to refer to the Japanese, appears as early as [[1467]].<ref>David Howell, "Is Ainu History Japanese History?," in ann-elise lewallen, Mark Hudson, Mark Watson (eds.), ''Beyond Ainu Studies'', University of Hawaii Press (2015), 109.</ref>

Ainu never engaged in rice cultivation traditionally, but purchased rice from the Japanese, who called themselves ''Wajin'' (和人), among other terms, to identify themselves in contrast to the Ainu Other. This term, ''wajin'' only first appears in extant texts in [[1799]], however, while the Ainu term ''shamo'', used to refer to the Japanese, appears as early as [[1467]].<ref>David Howell, "Is Ainu History Japanese History?," in ann-elise lewallen, Mark Hudson, Mark Watson (eds.), ''Beyond Ainu Studies'', University of Hawaii Press (2015), 109.</ref>

===Early Interactions===

===Early Interactions===

Japanese expanded into Tôhoku as early as the 8th-9th centuries, and into Ezo by the 15th century, if not earlier, establishing small centers of control and either pushing the Emishi further north, or assimilating them. Some of these Japanese leaders were agents of the [[Yamato state]]; some sought independence from the Yamato state; and some were in fact Emishi chiefs or their descendants who had taken on Japanese identity. Meanwhile, those Japanese who sought to break from the Yamato state and to establish their own independent polities in the north were sometimes designated "Emishi" by the center.

Japanese expanded into Tôhoku as early as the 8th-9th centuries, and into Ezo by the 15th century, if not earlier, establishing small centers of control and either pushing the Emishi further north, or assimilating them. Some of these Japanese leaders were agents of the [[Yamato state]]; some sought independence from the Yamato state; and some were in fact Emishi chiefs or their descendants who had taken on Japanese identity. Meanwhile, those Japanese who sought to break from the Yamato state and to establish their own independent polities in the north were sometimes designated "Emishi" by the center.

The mid-15th century saw a new surge of instability in Tôhoku and Ezo, as Japanese traders, fishermen, trappers and the like made further inroads into Ainu territories. Japanese and Ainu got into conflict, and some studies indicate that the Ainu won most of these scattered skirmishes. The zone of Japanese control shrank, and receded, for a time; at the opening of the 17th century (the time of the establishment of the [[Tokugawa shogunate]]), it was the Kakizaki clan who controlled the only remaining ''Wajin'' (Japanese) territory on the island of Ezo. Controlling that territory from [[Matsumae castle]], they came to be known as the [[Matsumae clan]], and remained the only daimyô on Ezo, in control of the northernmost ''[[han]]'' in the realm, throughout the [[Edo period]].

The mid-15th century saw a new surge of instability in Tôhoku and Ezo, as Japanese traders, fishermen, trappers and the like made further inroads into Ainu territories. Japanese and Ainu got into conflict, and some studies indicate that the Ainu won most of these scattered skirmishes. The zone of Japanese control shrank, and receded, for a time; at the opening of the 17th century (the time of the establishment of the [[Tokugawa shogunate]]), it was the Kakizaki clan who controlled the only remaining ''Wajin'' (Japanese) territory on the island of Ezo. Controlling that territory from [[Matsumae castle]], they came to be known as the [[Matsumae clan]], and remained the only daimyô on Ezo, in control of the northernmost ''[[han]]'' in the realm, throughout the [[Edo period]].

===Edo Period===

===Edo Period===

Though the Japanese had had some interactions and dealings with the Ainu (or Emishi) of Hokkaidô in earlier periods<ref>Including as early as the late 15th century, when the [[Ando clan|Andô clan]] and [[Takeda Nobuhiro]], ancestor of the Matsuemae clan, were active in Ezo.</ref>, it was in the Edo period that directed policy was first aimed at the island of Hokkaidô, then called Ezo.

Though the Japanese had had some interactions and dealings with the Ainu (or Emishi) of Hokkaidô in earlier periods<ref>Including as early as the late 15th century, when the [[Ando clan|Andô clan]] and [[Takeda Nobuhiro]], ancestor of the Matsumae clan, were active in Ezo.</ref>, it was in the Edo period that directed policy was first aimed at the island of Hokkaidô, then called Ezo.

 

 

For most of the Edo period, the Japanese continued to directly control very little of the island, but the economic benefits, and political or discursive benefits of having Ezo (and its people, the Ainu) within Japan's sphere of influence was of importance to the shogunate. Relations with the Ainu were handled almost exclusively by the [[Matsumae clan]] beginning in [[1604]], the only clan to be based on Ezo. Japanese and Ainu engaged in trade, with the Ainu providing items such as furs, fish, hawks for [[takagari|hunting]], as well as items obtained from the Asian continent, in exchange for [[lacquer]]ware, swords, and other Japanese craft-goods. Many of these Japanese craft-goods were actually rather out of reach for the average Japanese peasant of the time, so the fact that Ainu had access to them is actually quite significant.<ref name=frontier45/> Ainu chiefs also met with the Matsumae lords, and with shogunate officials, in two separate audience rituals, known respectively as ''uimamu'' (J: ''omemie'', "audience") and ''omusha''; both of these rituals included the exchange of gifts, and thus resembled [[tribute|tributary]] relations to some extent. However, samurai authorities explicitly did not recognize the Ainu as a sovereign people, i.e. as a country, in the same way that they recognized Korea, China, or Ryûkyû; instead, Japanese rhetoric of the time emphasized the notion of the Ainu as living under the protection (撫育, ''buiku'') of the samurai authorities, and represented these rituals as indicating Ainu gratitude for that protection.<ref>Arano Yasunori, "[http://www.nippon.com/en/features/c00104/#back03 Foreign Relations in Early Modern Japan: Exploding the Myth of National Seclusion]," Nippon.com, 18 Jan 2013.</ref>

Ainu chiefs also met with the Matsumae lords, and with shogunate officials, in two separate audience rituals, known respectively as ''uimamu'' (J: ''omemie'', "audience") and ''omusha''; both of these rituals included the exchange of gifts, and thus resembled [[tribute|tributary]] relations to some extent. However, samurai authorities explicitly did not recognize the Ainu as a sovereign people, i.e. as a country, in the same way that they recognized Korea, China, or Ryûkyû; instead, Japanese rhetoric of the time emphasized the notion of the Ainu as living under the protection (撫育, ''buiku'') of the samurai authorities, and represented these rituals as indicating Ainu gratitude for that protection.<ref>Arano Yasunori, "[http://www.nippon.com/en/features/c00104/#back03 Foreign Relations in Early Modern Japan: Exploding the Myth of National Seclusion]," Nippon.com, 18 Jan 2013.</ref>

In the early Edo period, Ainu who had been living among ''Wajin'' were encouraged, or even forced, to relocate, deeper into Ezochi. They were forbidden to speak Japanese, or to dress in the Japanese fashion, and were discouraged from farming. As the shogunate's constructions of its ideological legitimacy developed, it became increasingly desirable, even necessary, that the Ainu be a foreign, exotic, people who paid [[tribute]] or otherwise formally recognized the superiority, or centrality, of Japanese civilization.<ref>Morris-Suzuki, "The Frontiers of Japanese Identity," 51.</ref> A system or tradition was thus established in which Ainu chiefs regularly visited [[Matsumae castle|Matsumae]], bringing gifts and paying respects to the samurai lords; the Matsumae clan saw this as a paying of tribute, in the ideological mode of Chinese or Japanese political worldview, but it is not clear that the Ainu saw it in that way, as an expression of submission or subordination.

In the early Edo period, Ainu who had been living among ''Wajin'' were encouraged, or even forced, to relocate, deeper into Ezochi. They were forbidden to speak Japanese, or to dress in the Japanese fashion, and were discouraged from farming. As the shogunate's constructions of its ideological legitimacy developed, it became increasingly desirable, even necessary, that the Ainu be a foreign, exotic, people who paid [[tribute]] or otherwise formally recognized the superiority, or centrality, of Japanese civilization.<ref>Morris-Suzuki, "The Frontiers of Japanese Identity," 51.</ref> A system or tradition was thus established in which Ainu chiefs regularly visited [[Matsumae castle|Matsumae]], bringing gifts and paying respects to the samurai lords; the Matsumae clan saw this as a paying of tribute, in the ideological mode of Chinese or Japanese political worldview, but it is not clear that the Ainu saw it in that way, as an expression of submission or subordination.

Indeed, in [[1799]], and again in [[1807]], the shogunate laid claim to lands in these areas, returning them to the responsibility of the Matsumae clan only in [[1821]], after fears of Russian encroachment subsided. At that time, policies or attitudes about the Japanization of the Ainu were reversed. Discursively, it lent greater power and legitimacy to the Matsumae clan, and to the shogunate, to appear to have a foreign people submitting themselves to Japanese dominion; the [[Shimazu clan]] of [[Satsuma han]] engaged in similar discursive activities in their relations with the Kingdom of Ryûkyû.

Indeed, in [[1799]], and again in [[1807]], the shogunate laid claim to lands in these areas, returning them to the responsibility of the Matsumae clan only in [[1821]], after fears of Russian encroachment subsided. At that time, policies or attitudes about the Japanization of the Ainu were reversed. Discursively, it lent greater power and legitimacy to the Matsumae clan, and to the shogunate, to appear to have a foreign people submitting themselves to Japanese dominion; the [[Shimazu clan]] of [[Satsuma han]] engaged in similar discursive activities in their relations with the Kingdom of Ryûkyû.

Though continuing to exert direct control over only a very small portion of the island, in the 18th century the Matsumae clan began licensing Japanese merchants to establish commercial operations in Ainu lands, setting up small permanent outposts of Japanese settlement, and cottage industries such as fisheries, where Ainu served as hired labor. Ainu were in fact pressured to work for the fisheries, and discouraged - through intimidation and other forceful methods - from engaging in farming; Ainu agriculture noticeably declines in the 17th-18th centuries.<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p21.</ref> This, combined with severe increases in prices for Japanese goods frustrated the Ainu, who saw this as a betrayal by people who had, up until then, kept to their own territory, traded fairly and amicably, and treated the Ainu with respect. Several Ainu rebellions would occur over the course of the Edo period, one of the largest or most famous being [[Shakushain's Revolt]] in [[1669]]-[[1672]], but all were eventually suppressed.

Though continuing to exert direct control over only a very small portion of the island, in the 18th century the Matsumae clan began licensing Japanese merchants to establish commercial operations in Ainu lands, setting up small permanent outposts of Japanese settlement, and cottage industries such as fisheries, where Ainu served as hired labor. Ainu were in fact pressured to work for the fisheries, and discouraged - through intimidation and other forceful methods - from engaging in farming; Ainu agriculture noticeably declined in the 17th-18th centuries.<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p21.</ref> Japanese settlers also began to move into various areas of Hokkaidô in search of [[gold]]; gold-panning activities quickly began to pollute the rivers, and to have a markedly negative impact on the salmon, and on Ainu livelihoods otherwise.<ref name=hokkmuseum/> This, combined with severe increases in prices for Japanese goods frustrated the Ainu, who saw this as a betrayal by people who had, up until then, kept to their own territory, traded fairly and amicably, and treated the Ainu with respect. Several Ainu rebellions would occur over the course of the Edo period, one of the largest or most famous being [[Shakushain's Revolt]] in [[1669]]-[[1672]], but all were eventually suppressed.

The Ainu continued to trade not only with the Japanese, but with various mainland Asian peoples, throughout the Edo period. Though the volume of this trade is unclear, some amount of goods from Russia, and from indigenous tribal groups such as the Nivkh and Uilta, were then in turn traded to the Japanese.

The Ainu continued to trade not only with the Japanese, but with various mainland Asian peoples, throughout the Edo period. Though the volume of this trade is unclear, some amount of goods from Russia, and from indigenous tribal groups such as the Nivkh and Uilta, were then in turn traded to the Japanese.

Ainu migration to Tokyo and other mainland urban areas picked up in the 1950s-1960s, with many Ainu relocating to such areas in search of work, or for other typical modern immigrant reasons. In these decades, roughly 30% of Ainu in the Kantô worked as day laborers or seasonal workers. Most of these Ainu individuals relocated to Tokyo alongside friends, or in order to join relatives already resident there. However, it was not until more recent decades that any significant number of people seem to have begun to identify with a broader "Ainu in Tokyo" or "Ainu diaspora" community, beyond the immediate circles of their friends and family.<ref>Watson, 76.</ref> The first such group, the Tokyo Utari Association, was founded in the early 1970s, and though it collapsed by 1980, it was replaced by the Kantô Utari Association. By 1997, there were four major Ainu associations in Tokyo, which came together to negotiate with the metropolitan government for the establishment of a formal Ainu community center.<ref>Watson, 77-80.</ref>

Ainu migration to Tokyo and other mainland urban areas picked up in the 1950s-1960s, with many Ainu relocating to such areas in search of work, or for other typical modern immigrant reasons. In these decades, roughly 30% of Ainu in the Kantô worked as day laborers or seasonal workers. Most of these Ainu individuals relocated to Tokyo alongside friends, or in order to join relatives already resident there. However, it was not until more recent decades that any significant number of people seem to have begun to identify with a broader "Ainu in Tokyo" or "Ainu diaspora" community, beyond the immediate circles of their friends and family.<ref>Watson, 76.</ref> The first such group, the Tokyo Utari Association, was founded in the early 1970s, and though it collapsed by 1980, it was replaced by the Kantô Utari Association. By 1997, there were four major Ainu associations in Tokyo, which came together to negotiate with the metropolitan government for the establishment of a formal Ainu community center.<ref>Watson, 77-80.</ref>

Ainu organizations held a series of high-profile protests outside the [[National Diet]] in 1992, demanding the revocation of the Former Natives Protection Law of 1899.<ref name=watson80>Watson, 80.</ref> This came after Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro, in 1986, made comments asserting Japan's ethnic homogeneity, angering many in Ainu, Okinawan, Zainichi Korean, and other communities. The Former Natives Protection Law was finally repealed in 1997, and replaced with a Cultural Promotion Act, recognizing for the first time minority ethnicities within Japan, and acknowledging the importance of promoting Ainu culture and ethnic pride. However, this Cultural Promotion Act mandated no specific actions, and guaranteed no special privileges or rights.<ref name=watson79>Watson, 78-79.</ref> Japan was a signatory in 2007 to the United Nations' Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, but like many countries added stipulations that the Declaration did not apply to their own (Japanese domestic) situation. It was only the following year, on 6 June, 2008, that both houses of the Japanese Diet unanimously adopted a resolution to recognize the Ainu as an indigenous people, and nominally at least entitled to the rights the UN Declaration stipulates. A Council for Ainu Policy Promotion was formed in 2009.<ref>Gallery labels, "Ainu Treasures," East-West Center Gallery, Feb 2013.[https://www.flickr.com/photos/toranosuke/8523752824/sizes/l]</ref>

Ainu organizations held a series of high-profile protests outside the [[National Diet]] in 1992, demanding the revocation of the Former Natives Protection Law of 1899.<ref name=watson80>Watson, 80.</ref> This came after Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro, in 1986, made comments asserting Japan's ethnic homogeneity, angering many in Ainu, Okinawan, Zainichi Korean, and other communities. The Former Natives Protection Law was finally repealed in 1997, and replaced with a Cultural Promotion Act, recognizing for the first time minority ethnicities within Japan, and acknowledging the importance of promoting Ainu culture and ethnic pride. However, this Cultural Promotion Act mandated no specific actions, and guaranteed no special privileges or rights.<ref name=watson79>Watson, 78-79.</ref> Japan was a signatory in 2007 to the United Nations' Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, but like many countries added stipulations that the Declaration did not apply to their own (Japanese domestic) situation. It was only the following year, on 6 June, 2008, that both houses of the Japanese Diet unanimously adopted a resolution to recognize the Ainu as an indigenous people, and nominally at least entitled to the rights the UN Declaration stipulates. The 1899 Former Natives Protection Law was formally reversed at that time as well.<ref name=soas/> A Council for Ainu Policy Promotion was formed in 2009,<ref>Gallery labels, "Ainu Treasures," East-West Center Gallery, Feb 2013.[https://www.flickr.com/photos/toranosuke/8523752824/sizes/l]</ref> but it was not until 2017 that the Ainu were officially recognized by the national government as an "indigenous people ''of Japan''."<ref name=soas/>

Some sources estimate that roughly 10,000 Ainu live in the [[Kanto|Kantô region]] (the greater metropolitan & suburban area around [[Tokyo]] and [[Yokohama]]) today, and that there are likely more Ainu outside of Hokkaidô than within the prefecture. Mark Watson estimates that only about forty Ainu individuals are particularly active in Ainu cultural/political organizations in Tokyo, but is sure to point out that, as is the case for people of any ethnic identity, this does not make the others - whose lives are more strongly dominated by the demands of family, work, and other social associations & activities - any less Ainu.<ref name=watson80/> While Ainu in Hokkaidô continue to face numerous serious challenges, and while issues of colonialism, displacement, and dispossession remain serious and worthy of both political and academic attention, scholars such as Mark Watson argue that a truer appreciation of Ainu identity, livelihood, and culture in the 20th-21st centuries requires attention to the "diaspora" as well. Considering the Ainu people in this way also means not dismissing Ainu issues as being only of local concern (i.e. in Hokkaidô), and seeing them instead as being of national, or even international, importance.<ref name=watson69>Watson, 69-71.</ref>

The chief Ainu communities in Hokkaidô today are located at [[Lake Akan]], [[Shiraoi]], and [[Nibutani]].<ref name=soas/> Some sources estimate that roughly 10,000 Ainu live in the [[Kanto|Kantô region]] (the greater metropolitan & suburban area around [[Tokyo]] and [[Yokohama]]) today, and that there are likely more Ainu outside of Hokkaidô than within the prefecture. Mark Watson estimates that only about forty Ainu individuals are particularly active in Ainu cultural/political organizations in Tokyo, but is sure to point out that, as is the case for people of any ethnic identity, this does not make the others - whose lives are more strongly dominated by the demands of family, work, and other social associations & activities - any less Ainu.<ref name=watson80/> While Ainu in Hokkaidô continue to face numerous serious challenges, and while issues of colonialism, displacement, and dispossession remain serious and worthy of both political and academic attention, scholars such as Mark Watson argue that a truer appreciation of Ainu identity, livelihood, and culture in the 20th-21st centuries requires attention to the "diaspora" as well. Considering the Ainu people in this way also means not dismissing Ainu issues as being only of local concern (i.e. in Hokkaidô), and seeing them instead as being of national, or even international, importance.<ref name=watson69>Watson, 69-71.</ref>

As is the case for many indigenous peoples around the world, Ainu struggle with others' assumptions that indigenous identity is situated exclusively in a given space (Hokkaidô) and time (pre-modern/primitive), such that Ainu identity would be antithetical to modern or cosmopolitan life. As Watson writes, "Ainu, it is assumed, would not survive or ... would not want to survive ''as Ainu'' in the city" (italics added).<ref name=watson69/> Indeed, Ainu living outside of Hokkaidô are legally regarded no differently from Wajin (Japanese), and receive no special privileges, benefits, or indigenous rights. They are ineligible for membership in the Hokkaidô Utari Kyôkai (the largest Ainu association), and are thus omitted from surveys and studies on Ainu socio-economic conditions. Similarly, only Ainu living in Hokkaidô receive benefits from the Hokkaidô Utari Welfare Countermeasures welfare scheme, first enacted in 1974.<ref name=watson79/>

As is the case for many indigenous peoples around the world, Ainu struggle with others' assumptions that indigenous identity is situated exclusively in a given space (Hokkaidô) and time (pre-modern/primitive), such that Ainu identity would be antithetical to modern or cosmopolitan life. As Watson writes, "Ainu, it is assumed, would not survive or ... would not want to survive ''as Ainu'' in the city" (italics added).<ref name=watson69/> Indeed, Ainu living outside of Hokkaidô are legally regarded no differently from Wajin (Japanese), and receive no special privileges, benefits, or indigenous rights. They are ineligible for membership in the Hokkaidô Utari Kyôkai (the largest Ainu association), and are thus omitted from surveys and studies on Ainu socio-economic conditions. Similarly, only Ainu living in Hokkaidô receive benefits from the Hokkaidô Utari Welfare Countermeasures welfare scheme, first enacted in 1974.<ref name=watson79/>