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Over the course of the period, Satsuma emphasized the production of sugar on the islands, enacting various policies aimed at increasing the amount of sugar, a very lucrative product, it could extract from Amami. Islanders were required from [[1745]] onwards to pay their taxes in sugar instead of rice, a policy which effectively forced many, if not most, islanders to switch at least some of their time, effort, and land from growing rice and other food to subsist on, to growing and refining sugar cane. This resulted in severe difficulties for many families, who struggled at times to have enough to eat; in [[1755]], 3,000 people died of famine on Tokunoshima. Later, beginning in [[1787]], Satsuma put into place a system in which islanders could trade sugar for rice and other goods they needed. Though production was done entirely by islanders, who were not deprived of their land nor entered into slavery or indentured servitude, the extent of Satsuma's focus in these islands on maximizing outputs of a single product has led some historians to describe the system as "a structure of colonial extraction," drawing comparisons to British and American sugar plantation operations in the Caribbean and [[Japanese immigration to Hawaii|Hawaii]] respectively.<ref>Robert Hellyer, ''Defining Engagement'', Harvard University Press (2009), 95-96.</ref>
 
Over the course of the period, Satsuma emphasized the production of sugar on the islands, enacting various policies aimed at increasing the amount of sugar, a very lucrative product, it could extract from Amami. Islanders were required from [[1745]] onwards to pay their taxes in sugar instead of rice, a policy which effectively forced many, if not most, islanders to switch at least some of their time, effort, and land from growing rice and other food to subsist on, to growing and refining sugar cane. This resulted in severe difficulties for many families, who struggled at times to have enough to eat; in [[1755]], 3,000 people died of famine on Tokunoshima. Later, beginning in [[1787]], Satsuma put into place a system in which islanders could trade sugar for rice and other goods they needed. Though production was done entirely by islanders, who were not deprived of their land nor entered into slavery or indentured servitude, the extent of Satsuma's focus in these islands on maximizing outputs of a single product has led some historians to describe the system as "a structure of colonial extraction," drawing comparisons to British and American sugar plantation operations in the Caribbean and [[Japanese immigration to Hawaii|Hawaii]] respectively.<ref>Robert Hellyer, ''Defining Engagement'', Harvard University Press (2009), 95-96.</ref>
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A samurai official known as a ''[[daikan]]'' served as the chief Satsuma official on Amami Ôshima, though the local elites or official structure were permitted to remain intact to some extent. These local Amami officials were banned from interacting with officials of the Ryûkyû Kingdom, beginning in [[1623]]. However, Ryûkyû or local Amami elites were seen as still possessing some residual rights or sovereignty throughout the period, and as late as the 1870s, there were steps taken to have the Ryukyuan royal family officially relinquish all claims to the islands.
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A samurai official known as a ''[[daikan]]'' served as the chief Satsuma official on Amami Ôshima, beginning in [[1613]]. At first, he was charged only with overseeing Ôshima and Kikaigashima. In [[1616]], his authority was extended to Tokunoshima, and in [[1690]] to encompass Okinoerabu and Yoronjima as well. In [[1693]], an additional ''daikansho'' (''daikan'' office) was established on Kikaigashima. Satsuma also dispatched ''yokome'', ''tsukeyaku'', and other officials to serve under the ''daikan''. Local elites or official structures, were permitted to remain intact to some extent, however, with Amami Islanders serving as ''yohito'', ''okite'', ''yokome'', and the like, organized according to ''[[magiri]]'' (traditional administrative districts), under the authority of the ''daikan''.<ref>Ono Masako, Tomita Chinatsu, Kanna Keiko, Taguchi Kei, "Shiryô shôkai Kishi Akimasa bunko Satsuyû kikô," ''Shiryôhenshûshitsu kiyô'' 31 (2006), 244.</ref> These local Amami officials were banned from interacting with officials of the Ryûkyû Kingdom, beginning in [[1623]]. However, Ryûkyû or local Amami elites were seen as still possessing some residual rights or sovereignty throughout the period, and as late as the 1870s, there were steps taken to have the Ryukyuan royal family officially relinquish all claims to the islands.  
    
Following World War II, the Amami Islands were restored to Japanese sovereignty (ending the US Occupation in the islands) on December 25, 1953.<ref name=siddle>Richard Siddle, "Return to Uchinâ," in Siddle and Glenn Hook (eds.), ''Japan and Okinawa: Structure and Subjectivity'', Routledge Curzon (2002), 135.</ref>
 
Following World War II, the Amami Islands were restored to Japanese sovereignty (ending the US Occupation in the islands) on December 25, 1953.<ref name=siddle>Richard Siddle, "Return to Uchinâ," in Siddle and Glenn Hook (eds.), ''Japan and Okinawa: Structure and Subjectivity'', Routledge Curzon (2002), 135.</ref>
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