Changes

Hideyoshi's remarkable response to the Honnoji assassination gave him a place of special importance in the following months. Much to the chagrin of [[Shibata Katsuie]] in particular, Hideyoshi now ranked as highly as any of Nobunaga's senior retainers. In fact, Hideyoshi had always been seen as an upstart, and even today his rapid rise through the Oda ranks is difficult to explain. Of course, Hideyoshi's rise is usually attributed to his many talents and determination. Just as significant, no doubt, is Nobunaga's own character. There seems little doubt that Oda distrusted many of his senior commanders, a condition that may be related to their association with the turbulent times in Owari before 1560. Akechi Mitushide had also been considered an upstart, coming as he did from an obscure Mino family that had joined Nobunaga sometime after [[1565]]. Like Hideyoshi, he ascended into the Oda high command rapidly; in the same vein, the fall of [[Sakuma Nobumori]] (one of Oda's oldest retainers) in [[1580]], gives some hint that Nobunaga was gradually distancing himself from the old guard. Of course, in the summer of [[1582]] all this was relatively moot, except that two camps formed around Hideyoshi and Shibata Katsuie. Ostensibly the divisive issue surrounded Nobunaga's successor. Hideyoshi favored [[Oda Hidenobu|Oda Samboshi]] (Hidenobu; [[1582]]-[[1602]]), whose father, the original heir Nobutada, had been killed in Kyoto during the Honnoji Incident. Katsuie threw his support behind [[Oda Nobutaka]], Nobunaga's third son and present at Yamazaki. Niwa Nagahide and [[Ikeda Nobuteru]], who acted as co-governors of Kyoto along with Shibata and Hideyoshi, vacillated on the issue and in the end fell in with Hideyoshi. At the 'Kiyosu Conferences' that this issue was hotly debated, the Oda domain was divided up among the chief retainers; Hideyoshi received Yamashiro, Tamba, and Kwatchi, while Shibata retained Echizen as well as adding northern Omi to his fief. Takigawa Kazumasu, an opponent of Hideyoshi at Kiyosu, was confirmed in Ise, which he fortified in expectation of war. No real definitive resolution was reached regarding succession, much to Oda Nobutaka's dismay. For Hideyoshi, the whole business may well have been a simple formality, designed to establish his legitimacy as de facto ruler of the Oda lands and to force the issue with those who would oppose him. That possibility is given considerable substance in a letter he sent during this period to one of his young consorts (and likely intended for her father, [[Maeda Toshiie]]) which read, 'When there is time I shall recover Osaka and station my men there. I shall order them to level the castles of the whole land and prevent further rebellions and to preserve the nation in peace for fifty years."<ref>Berry. ''Hideyoshi.'' pg. 75</ref>  

Hideyoshi's remarkable response to the Honnoji assassination gave him a place of special importance in the following months. Much to the chagrin of [[Shibata Katsuie]] in particular, Hideyoshi now ranked as highly as any of Nobunaga's senior retainers. In fact, Hideyoshi had always been seen as an upstart, and even today his rapid rise through the Oda ranks is difficult to explain. Of course, Hideyoshi's rise is usually attributed to his many talents and determination. Just as significant, no doubt, is Nobunaga's own character. There seems little doubt that Oda distrusted many of his senior commanders, a condition that may be related to their association with the turbulent times in Owari before 1560. Akechi Mitushide had also been considered an upstart, coming as he did from an obscure Mino family that had joined Nobunaga sometime after [[1565]]. Like Hideyoshi, he ascended into the Oda high command rapidly; in the same vein, the fall of [[Sakuma Nobumori]] (one of Oda's oldest retainers) in [[1580]], gives some hint that Nobunaga was gradually distancing himself from the old guard. Of course, in the summer of [[1582]] all this was relatively moot, except that two camps formed around Hideyoshi and Shibata Katsuie. Ostensibly the divisive issue surrounded Nobunaga's successor. Hideyoshi favored [[Oda Hidenobu|Oda Samboshi]] (Hidenobu; [[1582]]-[[1602]]), whose father, the original heir Nobutada, had been killed in Kyoto during the Honnoji Incident. Katsuie threw his support behind [[Oda Nobutaka]], Nobunaga's third son and present at Yamazaki. Niwa Nagahide and [[Ikeda Nobuteru]], who acted as co-governors of Kyoto along with Shibata and Hideyoshi, vacillated on the issue and in the end fell in with Hideyoshi. At the 'Kiyosu Conferences' that this issue was hotly debated, the Oda domain was divided up among the chief retainers; Hideyoshi received Yamashiro, Tamba, and Kwatchi, while Shibata retained Echizen as well as adding northern Omi to his fief. Takigawa Kazumasu, an opponent of Hideyoshi at Kiyosu, was confirmed in Ise, which he fortified in expectation of war. No real definitive resolution was reached regarding succession, much to Oda Nobutaka's dismay. For Hideyoshi, the whole business may well have been a simple formality, designed to establish his legitimacy as de facto ruler of the Oda lands and to force the issue with those who would oppose him. That possibility is given considerable substance in a letter he sent during this period to one of his young consorts (and likely intended for her father, [[Maeda Toshiie]]) which read, 'When there is time I shall recover Osaka and station my men there. I shall order them to level the castles of the whole land and prevent further rebellions and to preserve the nation in peace for fifty years."<ref>Berry. ''Hideyoshi.'' pg. 75</ref>  

Shibata Katsuie returned to [[Echigen province|Echizen]] and began to plan a strategy against Hideyoshi. He secured the promise of aid from Oda Nobutaka at [[Gifu castle|Gifu]] (Mino) and [[Takigawa Kazumasu]] in [[Ise province|Ise]] but failed to extract a promise of support from Tokugawa Ieyasu in Mikawa. In addition, both Maeda Toshiie and [[Kanamori Nagachika]], whose support Shibata had hoped for, were lured into Hideyoshi's corner in the opening stages of the crisis. Finally, the Uesugi clan, still fairly strong if hardly what it had been under Kenshin, remained aloof; Shibata could hardly hope for the support of a family he had been warring with for well on six years. Nonetheless, Katsuie was in a solid enough position to defy Hideyoshi. He possessed an experienced army, and was personally at least comparable to Hideyoshi when it came to rallying and leading troops in battle. He also knew that if Hideyoshi were to be seen as losing the war, support for the upstart would likely vanish. Hideyoshi was hardly ignorant of the trouble brewing, especially with Nobutaka petulantly refusing to release the infant Samboshi from his custody. In the event, though, it would be Shibata who was in for a nasty surprise. In December Nobutaka, probably panicked by thinly concealed threats Hideyoshi sent to some of his retainers, openly defied Hideyoshi and rashly called his soldiers to arms, at a time when the passes down from Echizen were still choked with snow. With the game called, Takigawa had little choice but to rise up in support. Hideyoshi quickly surrounded Gifu and forced Nobutaka to surrender, costing Shibata; in one stroke Katsuie had lost an ally and any element of surprise. He hadn't lost the will to fight, though there was little he could presently do but gnash his teeth.  

Shibata Katsuie returned to [[Echizen province|Echizen]] and began to plan a strategy against Hideyoshi. He secured the promise of aid from Oda Nobutaka at [[Gifu castle|Gifu]] (Mino) and [[Takigawa Kazumasu]] in [[Ise province|Ise]] but failed to extract a promise of support from Tokugawa Ieyasu in Mikawa. In addition, both Maeda Toshiie and [[Kanamori Nagachika]], whose support Shibata had hoped for, were lured into Hideyoshi's corner in the opening stages of the crisis. Finally, the Uesugi clan, still fairly strong if hardly what it had been under Kenshin, remained aloof; Shibata could hardly hope for the support of a family he had been warring with for well on six years. Nonetheless, Katsuie was in a solid enough position to defy Hideyoshi. He possessed an experienced army, and was personally at least comparable to Hideyoshi when it came to rallying and leading troops in battle. He also knew that if Hideyoshi were to be seen as losing the war, support for the upstart would likely vanish. Hideyoshi was hardly ignorant of the trouble brewing, especially with Nobutaka petulantly refusing to release the infant Samboshi from his custody. In the event, though, it would be Shibata who was in for a nasty surprise. In December Nobutaka, probably panicked by thinly concealed threats Hideyoshi sent to some of his retainers, openly defied Hideyoshi and rashly called his soldiers to arms, at a time when the passes down from Echizen were still choked with snow. With the game called, Takigawa had little choice but to rise up in support. Hideyoshi quickly surrounded Gifu and forced Nobutaka to surrender, costing Shibata; in one stroke Katsuie had lost an ally and any element of surprise. He hadn't lost the will to fight, though there was little he could presently do but gnash his teeth.  

Hideyoshi next turned against Ise, marching into that province in March. At the same time Shibata ordered his adopted son Katsutoyo, who held Nagahama, to attack Hideyoshi's outposts in northern Omi. Hideyoshi nullified this threat by bribing key officers within the walls of Nagahama to surrender the fort. This allowed Hideyoshi to attack [[Kameyama castle (Ise)|Kameyama]] in Ise and force Takigawa to surrender. By this point, however, the snows in Echizen had begun to thaw, and Shibata was able to put an army in the field. Nobutaka took the cue to once again unfurl his war banners, prompting Hideyoshi to march for Mino. Katsuie dispatched his top general, Sakuma Morimasa, to reduce Hideyoshi's defensive line in Omi, an assignment he preformed a little too well. Iwasaki Castle was taken from Takayama Ukon, and Shizugatake was surrounded. The defending captain, [[Nakagawa Kiyohide]], was killed but the garrison held on; Shibata sent messengers urging Sakuma to withdraw lest he become too heavily engaged. Sakuma effused to budge until Shizugatake could be captured, allowing Hideyoshi to perform another forced march north that surprised the Shibata army. In the one-sided [[Battle of Shizugatake]], [[Sakuma Morimasa]] was defeated and his army routed. A number of warriors destined to become pillars of the future Toyotomi house made a name for themselves in this struggle, including [[Kato Kiyomasa]] and [[Fukushima Masamori]]. When Katsuie heard the news, he shut himself up within Kit-no-sho in Echizen and committed suicide as Hideyoshi's army spilled into the province. His wife, Nobunaga's sister, chose to die with him, but her daughters (through her late ex-husband [[Asai Nagamasa]]) were released to Hideyoshi. One of these would become his chief consort and the mother of his eventual heir, Hideyori.

Hideyoshi next turned against Ise, marching into that province in March. At the same time Shibata ordered his adopted son Katsutoyo, who held Nagahama, to attack Hideyoshi's outposts in northern Omi. Hideyoshi nullified this threat by bribing key officers within the walls of Nagahama to surrender the fort. This allowed Hideyoshi to attack [[Kameyama castle (Ise)|Kameyama]] in Ise and force Takigawa to surrender. By this point, however, the snows in Echizen had begun to thaw, and Shibata was able to put an army in the field. Nobutaka took the cue to once again unfurl his war banners, prompting Hideyoshi to march for Mino. Katsuie dispatched his top general, Sakuma Morimasa, to reduce Hideyoshi's defensive line in Omi, an assignment he preformed a little too well. Iwasaki Castle was taken from Takayama Ukon, and Shizugatake was surrounded. The defending captain, [[Nakagawa Kiyohide]], was killed but the garrison held on; Shibata sent messengers urging Sakuma to withdraw lest he become too heavily engaged. Sakuma effused to budge until Shizugatake could be captured, allowing Hideyoshi to perform another forced march north that surprised the Shibata army. In the one-sided [[Battle of Shizugatake]], [[Sakuma Morimasa]] was defeated and his army routed. A number of warriors destined to become pillars of the future Toyotomi house made a name for themselves in this struggle, including [[Kato Kiyomasa]] and [[Fukushima Masamori]]. When Katsuie heard the news, he shut himself up within Kit-no-sho in Echizen and committed suicide as Hideyoshi's army spilled into the province. His wife, Nobunaga's sister, chose to die with him, but her daughters (through her late ex-husband [[Asai Nagamasa]]) were released to Hideyoshi. One of these would become his chief consort and the mother of his eventual heir, Hideyori.

Hideyoshi's victory over Shibata all but established him as the real successor to Nobunaga. Samboshi's inheritance was quickly forgotten and he was stuck in Gifu, vacated by the suicide of Nobutaka after the battle. In fact, there was one more claimant-[[Oda Nobuo]], Nobunaga's 2nd son and the lord of Owari, presently courting the friendship of Tokugawa Ieyasu. Though Tokugawa had failed to make any moves during Hideyoshi's war with Shibata, he evidently saw some use to stepping up now. In the spring of [[1584]] Tokugawa and Nobuo allied and began issuing statements defaming Hideyoshi's suppuration of the Oda and calling on support from other clans. [[Chosokabe Motochika]], recently the lord of Shikoku Island, [[Sassa Narimasa]] of Etchu, and the warrior-monks of [[kii province|Kii]] all sent promises of military aid, but this amounted to little in the event; a key local figure, [[Ikeda Nobuteru]] of Mino, wavered and finally came down on the side of Hideyoshi. Tokugawa took the initiative by marching into Owari and establishing his headquarters at Komaki, a hill about ten miles north of modern day Nagoya. Ikeda Nobuteru struck first blood by capturing [[Inuyama castle]] from [[Nakagawa Kanemon]], an ally of Nobuo murdered almost as soon as he declared his allegiance. Meanwhile, Hideyoshi was busy mustering troops for the campaign in Osaka and gave Ikeda permission to test the Tokugawa defenses. [[Mori Nagayoshi]], Nobuteru's son-in-law, marched towards Komaki with 5,000 men, only to be met and defeated by a force of Tokugawa men headed by [[Sakai Tadatsugu]].  

Hideyoshi's victory over Shibata all but established him as the real successor to Nobunaga. Samboshi's inheritance was quickly forgotten and he was stuck in Gifu, vacated by the suicide of Nobutaka after the battle. In fact, there was one more claimant-[[Oda Nobuo]], Nobunaga's 2nd son and the lord of Owari, presently courting the friendship of Tokugawa Ieyasu. Though Tokugawa had failed to make any moves during Hideyoshi's war with Shibata, he evidently saw some use to stepping up now. In the spring of [[1584]] Tokugawa and Nobuo allied and began issuing statements defaming Hideyoshi's suppuration of the Oda and calling on support from other clans. [[Chosokabe Motochika]], recently the lord of Shikoku Island, [[Sassa Narimasa]] of Etchu, and the warrior-monks of [[kii province|Kii]] all sent promises of military aid, but this amounted to little in the event; a key local figure, [[Ikeda Nobuteru]] of Mino, wavered and finally came down on the side of Hideyoshi. Tokugawa took the initiative by marching into Owari and establishing his headquarters at Komaki, a hill about ten miles north of modern day Nagoya. Ikeda Nobuteru struck first blood by capturing [[Inuyama castle]] from [[Nakagawa Kanemon]], an ally of Nobuo murdered almost as soon as he declared his allegiance. Meanwhile, Hideyoshi was busy mustering troops for the campaign in Osaka and gave Ikeda permission to test the Tokugawa defenses. [[Mori Nagayoshi]], Nobuteru's son-in-law, marched towards Komaki with 5,000 men, only to be met and defeated by a force of Tokugawa men headed by [[Sakai Tadatsugu]].  

On 7 May 1584 Hideyoshi led an army into Owari and after pausing at Inuyama marched south and took up position at Gakuden, establishing a defensive line some ways northeast of Komaki. The size of Hideyoshi's army is difficult to guess at, although commonly quoted figures of 80,000 to 100,000 are most likely exaggerations. Neither side made any immediate move, and their behavior is generally attributed to a fear of a Nagashino repeat. Given the room Hideyoshi had to maneuver and the predominance of firearms in his army, this fear likely extended only to Tokugawa. Hideyoshi was probably aware that Tokugawa stood to gain much more from any confrontation than he did; the best move Hideyoshi could make would be to wait him out. To an extent, this is just what happened, with one exception. In May Ikeda Nobuteru suggested that as most of Ieyasu's troops were presently committed on or around Komaki and at Kiyosu, the opportunity presented itself for a move into lightly defended Mikawa. Tokugawa would have little choice but to retreat and counter the threat, at which point Hideyoshi could move forward and apply enough pressure for a settlement. Hideyoshi gave his assent and dispatched Nobuteru (under the overall command of [[Hashiba Hidetsugu]]), who brought his two eldest sons and Nagayoshi, who was still smarting from his earlier defeat. Unfortunately for the Ikeda family, villagers tipped Ieyasu off to their movement, and he was able to arrange for a hot reception on the morning of 15 May near [[Nagakute]]. In the course of the fighting, Nobuteru, his son Yukisuke, and Nagayoshi were all killed and their army routed. Hideyoshi hastily marched out in the hopes of salvaging something of the embarrassment but finding that Tokugawa had gone back on the defensive as quickly as he had struck, went back to Gakuden.

On 7 May 1584 Hideyoshi led an army into Owari and after pausing at Inuyama marched south and took up position at Gakuden, establishing a defensive line some ways northeast of Komaki. The size of Hideyoshi's army is difficult to guess at, although commonly quoted figures of 80,000 to 100,000 are most likely exaggerations. Neither side made any immediate move, and their behavior is generally attributed to a fear of a Nagashino repeat. Given the room Hideyoshi had to maneuver and the predominance of firearms in his army, this fear likely extended only to Tokugawa. Hideyoshi was probably aware that Tokugawa stood to gain much more from any confrontation than he did; the best move Hideyoshi could make would be to wait him out. To an extent, this is just what happened, with one exception. In May Ikeda Nobuteru suggested that as most of Ieyasu's troops were presently committed on or around Komaki and at Kiyosu, the opportunity presented itself for a move into lightly defended Mikawa. Tokugawa would have little choice but to retreat and counter the threat, at which point Hideyoshi could move forward and apply enough pressure for a settlement. Hideyoshi gave his assent and dispatched Nobuteru (under the overall command of [[Hashiba Hidetsugu]]), who brought his two eldest sons and Nagayoshi, who was still smarting from his earlier defeat. Unfortunately for the Ikeda family, villagers tipped Ieyasu off to their movement, and he was able to arrange for a hot reception on the morning of 15 May near [[battle of Nagakute|Nagakute]]. In the course of the fighting, Nobuteru, his son Yukisuke, and Nagayoshi were all killed and their army routed. Hideyoshi hastily marched out in the hopes of salvaging something of the embarrassment but finding that Tokugawa had gone back on the defensive as quickly as he had struck, went back to Gakuden.

That same year, Hideyoshi ordered all ''daimyô'' to construct mansions in Osaka, where they could attend upon him, and where their families might serve as political [[hostage]]s, a ward against potential betrayals.<ref>Haruko Nawata Ward, ''Women Religious Leaders in Japan's Christian Century'', Ashgate (2009), 200.</ref>

That same year, Hideyoshi ordered all ''daimyô'' to construct mansions in Osaka, where they could attend upon him, and where their families might serve as political [[hostage]]s, a ward against potential betrayals.<ref>Haruko Nawata Ward, ''Women Religious Leaders in Japan's Christian Century'', Ashgate (2009), 200.</ref>

The birth of Hideyoshi's second son, [[Toyotomi Hideyori|Hideyori]], in 1593 both distracted the Taiko from the depressing results of his Korean misadventure and created another problem. The threatening clouds of a potential succession struggle must have haunted Hideyoshi, who had already named Hidetsugu heir and yet devoted himself to Hideyori. The matter was brutally decided in [[1595]], when in August Hidetsugu was exiled to [[Mount Koya]] and then ordered to commit suicide. Those of his family who did not follow suit were murdered en mass in Kyoto, including 31 women and a number of infant sons and daughters. The specific reasons behind Hidetsugu's fall are entirely unclear, so much more the reasons for the excessive brutality with which Hideyoshi treated the family. Scholars continue to make assertions regarding this event; in truth, the specifics will never be more then a matter of speculation, except that a possible succession dispute had been dealt with.  

The birth of Hideyoshi's second son, [[Toyotomi Hideyori|Hideyori]], in 1593 both distracted the Taiko from the depressing results of his Korean misadventure and created another problem. The threatening clouds of a potential succession struggle must have haunted Hideyoshi, who had already named Hidetsugu heir and yet devoted himself to Hideyori. The matter was brutally decided in [[1595]], when in August Hidetsugu was exiled to [[Mount Koya]] and then ordered to commit suicide. Those of his family who did not follow suit were murdered en mass in Kyoto, including 31 women and a number of infant sons and daughters. The specific reasons behind Hidetsugu's fall are entirely unclear, so much more the reasons for the excessive brutality with which Hideyoshi treated the family. Scholars continue to make assertions regarding this event; in truth, the specifics will never be more then a matter of speculation, except that a possible succession dispute had been dealt with.  

In [[1596]], envoys from the Ming court traveled to Osaka and formally invested Hideyoshi as "[[King of Japan]]" in a grand ceremony in which a great many retainers gathered and [[kowtow]]ed to him. Many of these retainers were also granted honorary Ming [[Chinese court ranks|court rank]] at this time as well. Hideyoshi's official patent of investiture survives today in the Osaka City Museum, while several robes believed to date to this investiture ceremony survive in the collections of the temple [[Myoho-in|Myoho-in]]. A formal document containing instructions for Hideyoshi's from the [[Wanli Emperor]] is held today by the [[Imperial Household Agency]]. The robes are red, with [[buzi|chest badge]] designs of ''[[qilin]]'' embroidered in gold. The sleeves are notably shorter than typical Ming robes; they were perhaps modified by Hideyoshi to better match Japanese fashions or his own personal taste. These robes, along with the patent and other objects, marked Hideyoshi as a "king," and he proudly wore these robes at other events for several days. A number of his retainers presented with Ming court robes did similarly. However, it seems that once Hideyoshi read the official documents from the Ming and came to understand the deeper meaning or significance of his investiture, he reportedly grew enraged, angry at some aspect of the meaning or symbolism of the honor. This anger at the Ming court and Ming investiture was incorporated into Hideyoshi's legend, and appears in a number of stage plays and popular publications of the Edo period.<ref>Elizabeth Lillehoj, "Ming Robes and Documents That Made Hideyoshi King of Japan," presentation at annual Association of Asian Studies conference, Washington DC, 23 March 2018.</ref>

In [[1596]], envoys from the Ming court traveled to Osaka and formally [[investiture|invested]] Hideyoshi as "[[King of Japan]]" in a grand ceremony in which a great many retainers gathered and [[kowtow]]ed to him. Many of these retainers were also granted honorary Ming [[Chinese court ranks|court rank]] at this time as well. Hideyoshi's official patent of investiture survives today in the Osaka City Museum, while several robes believed to date to this investiture ceremony survive in the collections of the temple [[Myoho-in|Myoho-in]]. A formal document containing instructions for Hideyoshi's from the [[Wanli Emperor]] is held today by the [[Imperial Household Agency]]. The robes are red, with [[buzi|chest badge]] designs of ''[[qilin]]'' embroidered in gold. The sleeves are notably shorter than typical Ming robes; they were perhaps modified by Hideyoshi to better match Japanese fashions or his own personal taste. These robes, along with the patent and other objects, marked Hideyoshi as a "king," and he proudly wore these robes at other events for several days. A number of his retainers presented with Ming court robes did similarly. However, it seems that once Hideyoshi read the official documents from the Ming and came to understand the deeper meaning or significance of his investiture, he reportedly grew enraged, angry at some aspect of the meaning or symbolism of the honor. This anger at the Ming court and Ming investiture was incorporated into Hideyoshi's legend, and appears in a number of stage plays and popular publications of the Edo period.<ref>Elizabeth Lillehoj, "Ming Robes and Documents That Made Hideyoshi King of Japan," presentation at annual Association of Asian Studies conference, Washington DC, 23 March 2018.</ref>

On 19 March [[1597]] Hideyoshi ordered a resumption of the war in Korea after the Chinese had disregarded Hideyoshi's demands for a princess. While a man known for his skill at negotiating, nothing in Hideyoshi's record leads one to believe that he ever entered a negotiation without intending to get everything he wanted.  

On 19 March [[1597]] Hideyoshi ordered a resumption of the war in Korea after the Chinese had disregarded Hideyoshi's demands for a princess. While a man known for his skill at negotiating, nothing in Hideyoshi's record leads one to believe that he ever entered a negotiation without intending to get everything he wanted.  

This second Korean Invasion was almost perfunctory, and the Japanese bogged down without having seen any significant gains beyond the capture of Namwon in August. At this same time, Hideyoshi and Hideyori were amusing themselves at Osaka with the spectacle of an [[elephants|elephant]] provided by the Spanish (perhaps to smooth over relations). The 'Miracle of Myongyang' on 19 September, in which 16 ships under Yi Sun Shin defeated a Japanese fleet of 133 vessels, probably sealed the fortunes of the invasion. Kato Kiyomasa and Asano Yukinaga were actually isolated in the fortress of Ulsan and underwent a long and brutal siege that lasted into 1598.  

This second Korean Invasion was almost perfunctory, and the Japanese bogged down without having seen any significant gains beyond the capture of Namwon in August. At this same time, Hideyoshi and Hideyori were amusing themselves at Osaka with the spectacle of an [[elephants|elephant]] provided by the Spanish (perhaps to smooth over relations). The 'Miracle of Myongyang' on 19 September, in which 16 ships under Yi Sun Shin defeated a Japanese fleet of 133 vessels, probably sealed the fortunes of the invasion. Kato Kiyomasa and Asano Yukinaga were actually isolated in the fortress of Ulsan and underwent a long and brutal siege that lasted into 1598.  

In the summer of 1598, Hideyoshi fell ill and summoned his most important vassals to his bedside. During August he established a council of regents (Tokugawa Ieyasu, [[Maeda Toshiie]], Mori Terumoto, [[Ukita Hideie]], and [[Uesugi Kagekatsu]]) to rule while Hideyori came of age as well as a team of five administrators (bugyo) to handle domestic matters. These bugyo included [[Ishida Mitsunari]], [[Natsuka Masaie]], [[Maeda Gen-I]], [[Mashita Nagamori]], and [[Asano Nagamasa]]. Each man was made to sign a pledge of loyalty to the five-year old Hideyori, providing the scene with an element of pathos. Hideyoshi insisted again and again that the five men he had chosen as regents (whom he hoped would keep one another in check) be loyal to Hideyori, and no doubt counted on Maeda Toshiie, the powerful lord of Kaga who was close to Hideyoshi and shared rural Owari roots. Finally, he succumbed to his illness and finally died on 18 September 1598. The war in Korea was called off and the peninsula abandoned; Maeda Toshiie died in [[1599]] and within two years of Hideyoshi's death the council of regents would be broken and Tokugawa Ieyasu would rise supreme, assuming the title of shogun in 1603. Hideyori resided in [[Osaka Castle]] until [[1615]]. After two sieges (Winter and Summer, [[1614]] and [[1615]]) by Tokugawa forces, he committed suicide, along with the Lady Yodo. The Toyotomi name was eliminated.

In the summer of 1598, Hideyoshi fell ill and summoned his most important vassals to his bedside. During August he established a council of regents (Tokugawa Ieyasu, [[Maeda Toshiie]], Mori Terumoto, [[Ukita Hideie]], and [[Uesugi Kagekatsu]]) to rule while Hideyori came of age as well as a team of five administrators (bugyo) to handle domestic matters. These bugyo included [[Ishida Mitsunari]], [[Natsuka Masaie]], [[Maeda Gen'i]], [[Mashita Nagamori]], and [[Asano Nagamasa]]. Each man was made to sign a pledge of loyalty to the five-year old Hideyori, providing the scene with an element of pathos. Hideyoshi insisted again and again that the five men he had chosen as regents (whom he hoped would keep one another in check) be loyal to Hideyori, and no doubt counted on Maeda Toshiie, the powerful lord of Kaga who was close to Hideyoshi and shared rural Owari roots. Finally, he succumbed to his illness and finally died on 18 September 1598. The war in Korea was called off and the peninsula abandoned; Maeda Toshiie died in [[1599]] and within two years of Hideyoshi's death the council of regents would be broken and Tokugawa Ieyasu would rise supreme, assuming the title of shogun in 1603. Hideyori resided in [[Osaka Castle]] until [[1615]]. After two sieges (Winter and Summer, [[1614]] and [[1615]]) by Tokugawa forces, he committed suicide, along with the Lady Yodo. The Toyotomi name was eliminated.

Following his death, Hideyoshi was deified as Toyokuni Daimyôjin. Along with [[Kakinomoto no Hitomaro]], Hideyoshi thus became one of only two figures in Japanese history to be named ''myôjin'' by Imperial decree. [[Toyokuni Shrine]]s were soon established throughout the archipelago; however, most of these were destroyed around [[1615]]-[[1620]] as the [[Tokugawa shogunate]] sought to suppress worship of Hideyoshi.<ref>[[Luke Roberts|Roberts, Luke]]. ''Performing the Great Peace: Political Space and Open Secrets in Tokugawa Japan''. University of Hawaii Press, 2012. pp142-143, 164.</ref>

Following his death, Hideyoshi was deified as Toyokuni Daimyôjin. Along with [[Kakinomoto no Hitomaro]], Hideyoshi thus became one of only two figures in Japanese history to be named ''myôjin'' by Imperial decree. [[Toyokuni Shrine]]s were soon established throughout the archipelago; however, most of these were destroyed around [[1615]]-[[1620]] as the [[Tokugawa shogunate]] sought to suppress worship of Hideyoshi.<ref>[[Luke Roberts|Roberts, Luke]]. ''Performing the Great Peace: Political Space and Open Secrets in Tokugawa Japan''. University of Hawaii Press, 2012. pp142-143, 164.</ref>