Changes

*''Existence: [[1429]]-[[1879]]''

*''Existence: [[1429]]-[[1879]]''

*''Territory: most of the [[Ryukyu Islands|Ryûkyû Islands]]''

*''Territory: most of the [[Ryukyu Islands|Ryûkyû Islands]]''

*''[[Kokudaka]]: 89,086''<ref>As of a [[1610]] land survey. By [[1634]], this amount was counted as part of the ''kokudaka'' of Satsuma han.</ref>

*''[[Kokudaka]]: 89,086 (1610);<ref>As of a [[1610]] land survey. By [[1634]], this amount was counted as part of the ''kokudaka'' of Satsuma han.</ref><ref name=smitskoku>Smits provides different figures, suggesting that the total ''kokudaka'' of the kingdom was assessed at 110,304 ''koku'', of which the kingdom was obliged to pay 21,218 ''koku'' in tax to the Shimazu, leaving the figure of 89,086. Smits, ''Maritime Ryukyu,, 237.</ref> 94,230 (after 1727)<ref name=kokudaka>Tomiyama Kazuyuki, “Ryukyu Kingdom Diplomacy with Japan and the Ming and Qing Dynasties,” Ishihara Masahide et al (eds.), ''Self-determinable Development of Small Islands'', Singapore: Springer Publishing (2016), 63.; ''Shimazu ke rekidai seido'' (vol. 14, item #803), ''Kagoshima ken shiryô: Satsuma han hôrei shiryô shû 1'', Kagoshima: Reimeikan (2004), 510. While this figure represents the ''kokudaka'' of the islands administered by the kingdom, i.e. those from Okinawa Island in the north to the Sakishimas in the south, the Shimazu and the Tokugawa shogunate officially considered the production of the Amami Islands - administered by Kagoshima but still regarded as the territory of the kingdom - to be included in the kingdom's ''kokudaka'', for a grand total of 123,700 ''koku''. Akamine, 69-70.</ref>

*''Capital: [[Shuri]]''

*''Capital: [[Shuri]]''

*''Kings: First & Second [[Sho Dynasty|Shô Dynasty]]''

*''Kings: First & Second [[Sho Dynasty|Shô Dynasty]]''

Prior to [[1314]] or so, the Ryûkyû Islands were controlled by a myriad of small chiefdoms; those on the main island of Okinawa were loosely united under a "king". [[Tamagusuku]], who ascended to this post in 1314, lacked the charisma, leadership qualities, and skills to maintain this unity, and the island fractured into three polities<ref>For the sake of convenience and simplicity, most sources in English refer to these as "kingdoms" and their leaders as "kings", though most are also keen to point out that the political structures of the time continued to far more closely resemble chiefdoms. Though the Chinese character for "king" (王) is used in both Chinese and Japanese sources of the period, it is perhaps most accurate to not consider these rulers "kings" until sometime around the unification of Okinawa in 1419-1429.</ref>: [[Nanzan]] in the south of the island, [[Hokuzan]] in the north, and [[Chuzan|Chûzan]] in the center.

Prior to [[1314]] or so, the Ryûkyû Islands were controlled by a myriad of small chiefdoms; those on the main island of Okinawa were loosely united under a "king". [[Tamagusuku]], who ascended to this post in 1314, lacked the charisma, leadership qualities, and skills to maintain this unity, and the island fractured into three polities<ref>For the sake of convenience and simplicity, most sources in English refer to these as "kingdoms" and their leaders as "kings", though most are also keen to point out that the political structures of the time continued to far more closely resemble chiefdoms. Though the Chinese character for "king" (王) is used in both Chinese and Japanese sources of the period, it is perhaps most accurate to not consider these rulers "kings" until sometime around the unification of Okinawa in 1419-1429.</ref>: [[Nanzan]] in the south of the island, [[Hokuzan]] in the north, and [[Chuzan|Chûzan]] in the center.

Over the course of the next hundred years, the three polities consolidated their power, build a great many fortresses (''[[gusuku]]''), and expanded through trade. Chûzan entered into tributary relations with Ming China in [[1372]], the other two polities following suit within the next decade, and began to receive royal investiture from China as well. The three polities expanded their territory in this period as well, slowly acquiring the other nearby islands either as tributary states or as outright annexed territories, and entering into diplomatic and trade relations with Japan and Korea, as well as with a number of Southeast Asian polities.<ref name=gunn219>Geoffrey Gunn, ''History Without Borders: The Making of an Asian World Region, 1000-1800'', Hong Kong University Press (2011), 219.</ref>

Over the course of the next hundred years, the three polities consolidated their power, build a great many fortresses (''[[gusuku]]''), and expanded through trade. Chûzan entered into tributary relations with Ming China in [[1372]], the other two polities following suit within the next decade, and began to receive royal [[investiture]] from China as well. The three polities expanded their territory in this period as well, slowly acquiring the other nearby islands either as tributary states or as outright annexed territories, and entering into diplomatic and trade relations with Japan and Korea, as well as with a number of Southeast Asian polities.<ref name=gunn219>Geoffrey Gunn, ''History Without Borders: The Making of an Asian World Region, 1000-1800'', Hong Kong University Press (2011), 219.</ref>

A local lord (''[[anji]]'') by the name of Hashi rose to power at the beginning of the 15th century, and overthrew the king of Chûzan, [[Bunei]], around 1407. Hashi originally set up his father as king, but continued to wield power behind the scenes, succeeding his father in 1422. The two received formal investiture from the Ming Court, and were granted the surname Shô (尚, "Shang" in Chinese); father and son thus became [[Sho Shisho|Shô Shisho]] and [[Sho Hashi|Shô Hashi]] respectively, marking the beginning of the first [[Sho Dynasty|Shô Dynasty]]. Under their leadership, Chûzan conquered Hokuzan in 1419 and Nanzan in 1429, uniting the island of Okinawa, establishing the Kingdom of Ryûkyû, and moving the capital from [[Urasoe]] to [[Shuri]].

A local lord (''[[anji]]'') by the name of Hashi rose to power at the beginning of the 15th century, and overthrew the king of Chûzan, [[Bunei]], around 1407. Hashi originally set up his father as king, but continued to wield power behind the scenes, succeeding his father in 1422. The two received formal investiture from the Ming Court, and were granted the surname Shô (尚, "Shang" in Chinese); father and son thus became [[Sho Shisho|Shô Shisho]] and [[Sho Hashi|Shô Hashi]] respectively, marking the beginning of the first [[Sho Dynasty|Shô Dynasty]]. Under their leadership, Chûzan conquered Hokuzan in 1419 and Nanzan in 1429, uniting the island of Okinawa, establishing the Kingdom of Ryûkyû, and moving the capital from [[Urasoe]] to [[Shuri]].

Shô Shin also addressed the power of the priestesses by establishing a new religious hierarchy, with his sister [[Utuchitunumuigani]] as the first ''[[kikoe-ogimi|kikôe-ôgimi]]'', spiritual protector of the king and kingdom, and head of a hierarchy overseeing all ''[[noro]]'' and ''[[yuta]]'' priestesses in the kingdom. Though quite powerful still, the priestess establishment was now contained within the kingdom's institutions, and was less of a separate, independent, autonomous, power unto itself.

Shô Shin also addressed the power of the priestesses by establishing a new religious hierarchy, with his sister [[Utuchitunumuigani]] as the first ''[[kikoe-ogimi|kikôe-ôgimi]]'', spiritual protector of the king and kingdom, and head of a hierarchy overseeing all ''[[noro]]'' and ''[[yuta]]'' priestesses in the kingdom. Though quite powerful still, the priestess establishment was now contained within the kingdom's institutions, and was less of a separate, independent, autonomous, power unto itself.

Beginning in the 15th century, and continuing well into the 16th, the kingdom expanded its control over other islands in the Ryûkyû chain, both to the north and to the south. King [[Sho Toku|Shô Toku]] personally led an invasion force to [[Kikai-jima]] in [[1466]], and forces from the kingdom were dispatched to [[Kumejima]] in [[1506]]. Meanwhile, in 1500, [[Oyake Akahachi]], the dominant power on [[Ishigaki Island]], rose up in rebellion against the Shuri government, refusing to pay taxes or [[tribute]] to Shuri, and also making efforts to extend his own power over other nearby islands; Shuri's successful suppression of this rebellion, with the aid of [[Nakasone Toyomiya]] of [[Hateruma Island]] and other local elites, was followed immediately by Shuri appointing local "chiefs" or "heads" (''kashira''), many of them already elites native to the [[Miyako Islands|Miyako]] or [[Yaeyama Islands]], as official administrators recognized by, and in service to, the kingdom. A system of high priestesses, called ''[[oamu]]'', were also dispatched to the various southern islands. Meanwhile, the kingdom made efforts to expand to the north, where it encountered considerably greater resistance. Battles between the kingdom's forces and local resistance on [[Amami Oshima|Amami Ôshima]] and other parts of the [[Amami Islands]] continued well into the 1550s and 1560s. Ryukyuan forces also clashed with samurai forces from southern Kyushu, who were pushing southward. The Shimazu clan attacked Amami Ôshima in 1571, the same year as the island finally formally submitted to Shuri's authority, as part of an ultimately abortive attempt to conquer the entire kingdom. The furthest north Ryukyuan forces ever managed to attain territory was on [[Gajashima]], one of the [[Tokara Islands]] to the north of Amami. These expansionist efforts were aimed chiefly at consolidating power, and securing access to trade and resources. The kingdom made local elites dependent on Shuri for their legitimacy and authority, and required a certain amount of tax or tribute payments, along with certain other forms of service, but otherwise gave the Miyakos and Yaeyamas, as well as the Amami Islands, considerable leeway in managing their own affairs and maintaining their own cultures.<ref>Smits, "Examining the Myth of Ryukyuan Pacifism"; Smits, "Rethinking Ryukyu," ''International Journal of Okinawan Studies'' 6:1 (2015), 7.</ref>

Beginning in the 15th century, and continuing well into the 16th, the kingdom expanded its control over other islands in the Ryûkyû chain, both to the north and to the south. King [[Sho Toku|Shô Toku]] personally led an invasion force to [[Kikai-jima]] in [[1466]], and forces from the kingdom were dispatched to [[Kumejima]] in [[1506]]. Meanwhile, in 1500, [[Oyake Akahachi]], the dominant power on [[Ishigaki Island]], rose up in rebellion against the Shuri government, refusing to pay taxes or [[tribute]] to Shuri, and also making efforts to extend his own power over other nearby islands; Shuri's successful suppression of this rebellion, with the aid of [[Nakasone Toyomiya]] of [[Hateruma Island]] and other local elites, was followed immediately by Shuri appointing local "chiefs" or "heads" (''[[kashira (Ryukyu)|kashira]]''), many of them already elites native to the [[Miyako Islands|Miyako]] or [[Yaeyama Islands]], as official administrators recognized by, and in service to, the kingdom. A system of high priestesses, called ''[[oamu]]'', were also dispatched to the various southern islands. Meanwhile, the kingdom made efforts to expand to the north, where it encountered considerably greater resistance. Battles between the kingdom's forces and local resistance on [[Amami Oshima|Amami Ôshima]] and other parts of the [[Amami Islands]] continued well into the 1550s and 1560s. Ryukyuan forces also clashed with samurai forces from southern Kyushu, who were pushing southward. The Shimazu clan attacked Amami Ôshima in 1571, the same year as the island finally formally submitted to Shuri's authority, as part of an ultimately abortive attempt to conquer the entire kingdom. The furthest north Ryukyuan forces ever managed to attain territory was on [[Gajashima]], one of the [[Tokara Islands]] to the north of Amami. These expansionist efforts were aimed chiefly at consolidating power, and securing access to trade and resources. The kingdom made local elites dependent on Shuri for their legitimacy and authority, and required a certain amount of tax or tribute payments, along with certain other forms of service, but otherwise gave the Miyakos and Yaeyamas, as well as the Amami Islands, considerable leeway in managing their own affairs and maintaining their own cultures.<ref>Smits, "Examining the Myth of Ryukyuan Pacifism"; Smits, "Rethinking Ryukyu," ''International Journal of Okinawan Studies'' 6:1 (2015), 7.</ref>

The kingdom's booming trade declined around the 1570s, as the seas came to be dominated by other powers. Spanish and Portuguese galleons arrived around the mid-16th century, followed by the agents of the [[British East India Company|English]] and [[Dutch East India Company|Dutch]] [[East India Company|East India Companies]] at the beginning of the 17th. Meanwhile, Ming China lifted its bans on Chinese trade with, and in, Southeast Asia, in [[1567]], and Japan under [[Toyotomi Hideyoshi]] began to engage in licensed trade under the ''[[shuinsen]]'' system after around [[1582]]. The dispatch of Ryukyuan trading ships to Siam in [[1570]] was to be the last act of direct Ryukyuan involvement in maritime trade in Southeast Asia.<ref>''Ryûkyû ôchô no bi'' 琉球王朝の美. Hikone Castle Museum 彦根城博物館. Hikone, 1993. p75.</ref>

The kingdom's booming trade faced challenges throughout the late 15th and 16th centuries, however. The [[Onin War|Ônin War]] influenced Ryukyuan trade to shift to [[Hakata]], [[Bonotsu|Bônotsu]], and other ports in Kyushu, inadvertently providing greater opportunities for the Shimazu to exercise influence; merchants based in Hakata and [[Tsushima]] posing as envoys of the Ryukyuan court interfered with Ryûkyû's genuine efforts to engage in relations with Korea; and the arrival of Europeans and other developments in Southeast Asian shipping caused a decline in Ryûkyû's share of trade in that region as well.<ref>Smits, ''Maritime Ryukyu'', University of Hawaii Press (2019), 134.</ref> By the 1570s, trade declined all the more sharply, as the seas came to be dominated by other powers. Spanish and Portuguese galleons arrived around the mid-16th century, followed by the agents of the [[British East India Company|English]] and [[Dutch East India Company|Dutch]] [[East India Company|East India Companies]] at the beginning of the 17th. Meanwhile, Ming China lifted its bans on Chinese trade with, and in, Southeast Asia, in [[1567]], and Japan under [[Toyotomi Hideyoshi]] began to engage in licensed trade under the ''[[shuinsen]]'' system after around [[1582]]. The dispatch of Ryukyuan trading ships to Siam in [[1570]] was to be the last act of direct Ryukyuan involvement in maritime trade in Southeast Asia.<ref>''Ryûkyû ôchô no bi'' 琉球王朝の美. Hikone Castle Museum 彦根城博物館. Hikone, 1993. p75.</ref>

The total population of the kingdom at this time stood around 100,000.<ref>McNally, 99.</ref>

The total population of the kingdom at this time stood around 100,000.<ref>McNally, 99.</ref>

===Invasion and Vassalage===

===Invasion and Vassalage===

Around 1590, the royal government was ordered by Toyotomi Hideyoshi, through agents of the [[Shimazu family]] of Satsuma, to provide troops, weapons, and other munitions to aid in his planned [[Korean invasions|invasions of Korea]]. King [[Sho Nei|Shô Nei]] refused, and went beyond that, informing the Ming Court of Hideyoshi's plans by way of a letter from [[Jana ueekata]] in [[1591]].<ref>Gallery labels, "Kuninda - Ryûkyû to Chûgoku no kakehashi," special exhibit, Okinawa Prefectural Museum, Sept 2014.</ref> This was but one in a series of instances in which the kingdom refused or ignored requests or demands from Hideyoshi.

Around 1590, the royal government was ordered by Toyotomi Hideyoshi, through agents of the [[Shimazu family]] of Satsuma, to provide troops, weapons, and other munitions to aid in his planned [[Korean invasions|invasions of Korea]]. King [[Sho Nei|Shô Nei]] deferred, and went beyond that, informing the Ming Court of Hideyoshi's plans by way of a letter from [[Jana ueekata]] in [[1591]],<ref>Gallery labels, "Kuninda - Ryûkyû to Chûgoku no kakehashi," special exhibit, Okinawa Prefectural Museum, Sept 2014.</ref> but ultimately sent a little over half the supplies the Shimazu demanded, by way of protecting the kingdom from violent repercussions.<ref>Akamine, 60.</ref> Still, this was but one in a series of instances in which the kingdom refused or ignored requests or demands from the Shimazu and Hideyoshi, or was otherwise less than fully cooperative in the 1570s-1600s, inspired perhaps in part by a fear of the increased threat of Ryukyuan ships being attacked by pirates.<ref>Kuroshima Satoru 黒島敏, ''Ryûkyû ôkoku to Sengoku daimyô'' 琉球王国と戦国大名, Tokyo: Yoshikawa kôbunkan (2016), 22.</ref> Still, it was in connection with the fact that the Shimazu communicated with Ryûkyû, and demonstrated some sort of special relationship, that Toyotomi Hideyoshi formally recognized Ryûkyû in [[1592]] as having some position within the feudal order, under Satsuma. Some scholars point to this as the origin, or otherwise a key element, of Satsuma's claims to authority over Ryûkyû.<ref>Akamine, 59-61.</ref>

Hideyoshi died in 1598, and was replaced as secular, martial, ruler of Japan a few years later by [[Tokugawa Ieyasu]]. Shô Nei ignored demands that he formally recognize the new [[Tokugawa shogunate]], and that his kingdom serve as intermediary to help the Tokugawa (re)establish formal relations with the Ming. In 1600, the shogunate returned a number of Ryukyuan castaways from [[Date clan]] territory in [[Tohoku region|Tôhoku]], and in 1605 the shogunate again returned a number of castaways, and much of their cargo, albeit while confiscating a portion of the cargo. Still, the Ryukyuan court issued no formal expression or mission of gratitude.<ref>Takara Kurayoshi 高良倉吉 and Tomiyama Kazuyuki 豊見山和行, ''Ryûkyû / Okinawa to kaijô no michi'' 琉球・沖縄と海上の道, Tokyo: Yoshikawa kôbunkan (2005), 82.</ref>

Hideyoshi died in 1598, and was replaced as secular, martial, ruler of Japan a few years later by [[Tokugawa Ieyasu]]. Shô Nei ignored demands that he formally recognize the new [[Tokugawa shogunate]], and that his kingdom serve as intermediary to help the Tokugawa (re)establish formal relations with the Ming. In 1600, the shogunate returned a number of Ryukyuan castaways from [[Date clan]] territory in [[Tohoku region|Tôhoku]], and in 1605 the shogunate again returned a number of castaways, and much of their cargo, albeit while confiscating a portion of the cargo. Still, the Ryukyuan court issued no formal expression or mission of gratitude.<ref>Takara Kurayoshi 高良倉吉 and Tomiyama Kazuyuki 豊見山和行, ''Ryûkyû / Okinawa to kaijô no michi'' 琉球・沖縄と海上の道, Tokyo: Yoshikawa kôbunkan (2005), 82.</ref>

Citing these incidents, and a broader narrative of Ryukyuan failure to pay proper respects,<ref>The term employed by Takara Kurayoshi and Tomiyama Kazuyuki is ''heimon'' 聘問, meaning to visit someone & bring gifts in order to pay respects. Takara and Tomiyama, 82.</ref> the Shimazu house then requested permission from Tokugawa Ieyasu to launch a punitive mission. Permission was granted in 1606, and the [[invasion of Ryukyu]] was undertaken in [[1609]]. After a few battles on smaller outlying islands, the samurai forces seized Shuri Castle and took Shô Nei, along with a number of his chief officials, captive. All were brought to Japan, where they met with Ieyasu and his son, the reigning [[Shogun]] [[Tokugawa Hidetada]], and were forced to submit to a number of demands and conditions. The kingdom became a vassal state under the Shimazu, and was forced to pay taxes to Satsuma on a regular basis, as well as sending regular missions to Kagoshima, among several other obligations. A land survey conducted in 1610-1611 determined the ''[[kokudaka]]'' of the kingdom to be 89,086 ''[[koku]]'', a number which was revised upwards to just over 94,230 ''koku'' in [[1727]]. Based on this assessment, the kingdom was obliged to pay a certain amount of regular annual tax (''shinobose mai'') to Satsuma; originally paid in kind (i.e. in various products/commodities), this tax obligation was shifted to [[silver]], and then to rice by [[1620]]. The amount varied until [[1660]], at which time it became roughly stable; around [[1870]] the kingdom was paying just over 7,600 ''koku'' in annual tax, plus an additional 1,000 ''koku'' in supplemental tax.<ref name=tomi63>One year later, in [[1871]], following the [[abolition of the han]], Satsuma han was abolished but the kingdom was still obliged to pay tax to [[Kagoshima prefecture]], in the amount of 11,777 ''koku'' (including transportation costs, and with some 970,000 ''[[Japanese Measurements|kin]]'' of [[sugar]] substituted for 3,680 ''koku'' of rice. Tomiyama Kazuyuki, “Ryukyu Kingdom Diplomacy with Japan and the Ming and Qing Dynasties,” Ishihara Masahide et al (eds.), ''Self-determinable Development of Small Islands'', Singapore: Springer Publishing (2016), 63.</ref> From [[1636]] onwards,<ref>Tomiyama, "Ryukyu Kingdom Diplomacy," 56.</ref> the kingdom was also obligated to provide Satsuma each year with a ''Kirishitan shûmon aratamechô'', a register of [[Christianity|Christians]] living in the kingdom (presumably, none). Further, the crown prince of the kingdom was to visit Kagoshima each year to formally reenact rituals of subordination or allegiance; envoys also traveled to Kagoshima on a number of other occasions, including as a "New Year's mission" (''nentôshi'') which included a rotation of Ryukyuan officials resident in the castle-town, and on special occasions such as the birth, marriage, succession, or death of a Shimazu lord.<ref name=tomi63/>

Citing these incidents, and a broader narrative of Ryukyuan failure to pay proper respects,<ref>The term employed by Takara Kurayoshi and Tomiyama Kazuyuki is ''heimon'' 聘問, meaning to visit someone & bring gifts in order to pay respects. Takara and Tomiyama, 82.</ref> the Shimazu house then requested permission from Tokugawa Ieyasu to launch a punitive mission. Permission was granted in 1606, and the [[invasion of Ryukyu]] was undertaken in [[1609]]. After a few battles on smaller outlying islands, the samurai forces seized Shuri Castle and took Shô Nei, along with a number of his chief officials, captive. All were brought to Japan, where they met with Ieyasu and his son, the reigning [[Shogun]] [[Tokugawa Hidetada]], and were forced to submit to a number of demands and conditions. The kingdom became a vassal state under the Shimazu, and was forced to pay taxes to Satsuma on a regular basis, as well as sending regular missions to Kagoshima, among several other obligations. The crown prince of the kingdom was to visit Kagoshima each year to formally reenact rituals of subordination or allegiance; envoys also traveled to Kagoshima on a number of other occasions, including as a "New Year's mission" (''nentôshi'') which included a rotation of Ryukyuan officials resident in the castle-town, and on special occasions such as the birth, marriage, succession, or death of a Shimazu lord.<ref name=tomi63/> A land survey conducted in 1610-1611 determined the ''[[kokudaka]]'' of the kingdom to be 89,086 ''[[koku]]'', a number which was revised upwards to just over 94,230 ''koku'' in [[1727]],<ref name=kokudaka/> of which the kingdom was permitted to keep 50,000 ''koku''.<ref name=akamine68>Akamine, 68.</ref><ref name=smitskoku/> Based on this assessment, the kingdom was obliged to pay a certain amount of regular annual tax (''shinobose mai'') to Satsuma; originally paid in kind (i.e. in various products/commodities, mainly [[Ryukyuan textiles|textiles]]), this tax obligation was shifted to [[silver]], and then to rice by [[1620]]. The amount varied until [[1660]], at which time it became roughly stable; around [[1870]] the kingdom was paying just over 7,600 ''koku'' in annual tax, plus an additional 1,000 ''koku'' in supplemental tax.<ref name=tomi63>One year later, in [[1871]], following the [[abolition of the han]], Satsuma han was abolished but the kingdom was still obliged to pay tax to [[Kagoshima prefecture]], in the amount of 11,777 ''koku'' (including transportation costs, and with some 970,000 ''[[Japanese Measurements|kin]]'' of [[sugar]] substituted for 3,680 ''koku'' of rice. Tomiyama, “Ryukyu Kingdom Diplomacy with Japan and the Ming and Qing Dynasties,” 63.</ref> From [[1636]] onwards,<ref>Tomiyama, "Ryukyu Kingdom Diplomacy," 56.</ref> the kingdom was also obligated to provide Satsuma each year with a ''Kirishitan shûmon aratamechô'', a register of religious affiliation of everyone living in the kingdom, to help ensure there were no [[Christianity|Christians]],<ref>People were not required to register with a Buddhist temple, however, as they were in Japan.</ref> and to organize all the kingdom's subjects into ''[[goningumi]]'' - groups of five households which would be responsible for enforcing one another's lawful behavior. Satsuma was also charged with maintaining a coast guard which would prevent foreigners (specifically, Westerners and especially Christian missionaries) from entering Ryûkyû.<ref>This was seen as a kind of "house obligation" (''[[ieyaku]]'') of maritime defense service, of the same category as [[Saga han|Saga]] and [[Fukuoka han|Fukuoka domains']] obligations to guard the port of [[Nagasaki]]. Satsuma and [[Tsushima han]] had served similar functions during the [[Muromachi period]] as well, guarding against events in Korea or Ryûkyû which might threaten Japan. Akamine, 66-67, 73.</ref> To further guard against foreigners entering the kingdom, a system of signal fires called ''fiitatimoo'' was established, along with a network of swift boats called ''tobifune'' in Japanese, which could inform Okinawa of any sightings or shipwrecks in the outer islands.<ref name=akamine68/>  

The king was restored to his castle and his kingdom in [[1611]], and was returned to power, though only within strict limits set by the Shimazu. In addition, while the kingdom retained the Ryukyus from Okinawa south (to the [[Sakishima Islands]] and [[Yonaguni]]), the [[Amami Islands]] and all other islands in the chain north of Okinawa Island proper were seized by the Shimazu and fully incorporated into their territory. A vassal state, Ryukyu was not considered an integral part of Japan until it was formally annexed as Okinawa Prefecture in 1879; while the provinces of Japan were regarded as ''takoku'' (他国, "other lands"), Ryukyu was considered ''ikoku'' (異国, "foreign lands"), along with China, Korea, Holland, and the rest of the world. However, ''[[Nanto zatsuwa|Nantô zatsuwa]]'', a Japanese text published in the 1850s, reveals that Ryukyuan people continued to travel between Okinawa and Amami, and to engage directly in trade in pottery, marine goods, and other products, despite the ostensible "national" boundaries (i.e. with travel to Amami, as part of Satsuma's territory, now being "foreign" travel and therefore theoretically subject to more strict control).<ref>Gallery labels, Okinawa Prefectural Museum, August 2013.</ref>

The king was restored to his castle and his kingdom in [[1611]], and was returned to power, though only within strict limits set by the Shimazu. In addition, while the kingdom retained the Ryukyus from Okinawa south (to the [[Sakishima Islands]] and [[Yonaguni]]), the [[Amami Islands]] and all other islands in the chain north of Okinawa Island proper were placed under the direct administration of Satsuma, though Satsuma and the shogunate both continued, through the end of the Edo period, to consider those islands part of the territory of the kingdom.<ref>Akamine, 69-70.</ref> A vassal state, Ryukyu was not considered an integral part of Japan until it was formally annexed as Okinawa Prefecture in 1879; while the provinces of Japan were regarded as ''takoku'' (他国, "other lands"), Ryukyu was considered ''ikoku'' (異国, "foreign lands"), along with China, Korea, Holland, and the rest of the world. However, ''[[Nanto zatsuwa|Nantô zatsuwa]]'', a Japanese text published in the 1850s, reveals that Ryukyuan people continued to travel between Okinawa and Amami, and to engage directly in trade in pottery, marine goods, and other products, despite the ostensible "national" boundaries (i.e. with travel to Amami, as part of Satsuma's territory, now being "foreign" travel and therefore theoretically subject to more strict control).<ref>Gallery labels, Okinawa Prefectural Museum, August 2013.</ref>

The king remained on his throne, and the royal court continued on much as it had, both in terms of political and administrative activities, and in terms of court rituals. The [[scholar-aristocracy of Ryukyu|scholar-aristocracy of Ryûkyû]] remained intact through the Satsuma invasion, continuing to pass down ranks and titles, and to occupy government posts, administering the kingdom in much the same fashion as they had previously. Practices and processes evolved and changed over the course of the early modern period, with a few developments in the 17th century having particularly significant impacts, but these were in some respects more natural developments, and not something that happened suddenly in connection with the Satsuma invasion. The aristocracy was divided more starkly from the commoners/villagers shortly after the invasion, and this was compounded, or solidified, by the implementation in [[1689]] of a system of family genealogies known as ''[[kafu]]'' or ''keizu''. Aristocratic families maintained books recording their family's aristocratic lineage, with another copy being kept by the court. Those who had such records of their lineage were known as ''keimochi'' ("possessing genealogy") and were the aristocracy, while those who lacked such records were ''mukei'' ("lacking genealogy"), and were commoners. Still, not all commoners were villagers or "peasants" (J: ''hyakushô''); many were "town commoners" (J: ''machi hyakushô''), and by the end of the early modern period, some town commoners had been able to purchase aristocratic status, and to begin new lineages.<ref name=nahacity/>

The king remained on his throne, and the royal court continued on much as it had, both in terms of political and administrative activities, and in terms of court rituals. Though Satsuma initially imposed stronger and more direct interference into Ryûkyû's governance, by the 1620s it began to loosen its involvement, and allowed Ryûkyû increased autonomy.<ref>Akamine, 79.</ref> The [[scholar-aristocracy of Ryukyu|scholar-aristocracy of Ryûkyû]] remained intact through the Satsuma invasion, continuing to pass down ranks and titles, and to occupy government posts, administering the kingdom in much the same fashion as they had previously. Practices and processes evolved and changed over the course of the early modern period, with a few developments in the 17th century having particularly significant impacts, but these were in some respects more natural developments, and not something that happened suddenly in connection with the Satsuma invasion. The aristocracy was divided more starkly from the commoners/villagers shortly after the invasion, and this was compounded, or solidified, by the implementation in [[1689]] of a system of family genealogies known as ''[[kafu]]'' or ''keizu''. Aristocratic families maintained books recording their family's aristocratic lineage, with another copy being kept by the court. Those who had such records of their lineage were known as ''chiimuchi'' (J: ''keimochi'', "possessing genealogy") and were the aristocracy, while those who lacked such records were ''mukei'' ("lacking genealogy"), and were commoners. Still, not all commoners were villagers or "peasants" (J: ''hyakushô''); many were "town commoners" (J: ''machi hyakushô''), and by the end of the early modern period, some town commoners had been able to purchase aristocratic status, and to begin new lineages.<ref name=nahacity/>

For the remainder of Japan's [[Edo period]] after the 1609 invasion, the kingdom served two masters, ostensibly independent, though a vassal to Satsuma and a tributary to China. As formal relations between Japan and China were severed, extensive efforts were made to hide Japan's control or influence over Ryukyu from the Chinese Court. If Beijing believed Ryukyu to be a part of Japan, it would have likely severed ties with Ryukyu as well, denying the kingdom and the shogunate not only a source of income and foreign goods through trade, but also a source of intelligence on events in the outside world, particularly China. Foreign trade, along with tributary missions and student exchange to China continued throughout this period, though overseen by Japanese authorities, and controlled so as to best benefit Satsuma and the shogunate, not the kingdom itself. Ryukyuans were forbidden from speaking Japanese, dressing in Japanese fashion, or otherwise revealing the Japanese influence upon them; the very few who were allowed to go abroad were to speak Chinese and to espouse a combination of native Ryukyuan and Chinese culture. This was not only policy for official envoys and official communications, but was circulated throughout the kingdom, instructing commoners and villagers (peasants) similarly, that if they were to be shipwrecked or castaway in China, for example, they should not speak of relations with Japan, or reveal their own familiarity with Japanese language or culture.<ref>[[Watanabe Miki]], "Ryûkyû kara mita Shinchô" 琉球から見た清朝, in Okada Hidehiro (ed.), ''Shinchô to ha nani ka'' 清朝とは何か, Fujiwara Shoten (2009), 257.</ref>

For the remainder of Japan's [[Edo period]] after the 1609 invasion, the kingdom served two masters, ostensibly independent, though a vassal to Satsuma and a tributary to China. Much has been written about extensive efforts made in Ryûkyû to hide Japan's control or influence over Ryukyu from the Chinese court from this time forward. If Beijing were forced to acknowledge Ryukyu to be a part of Japan, it would have been forced to sever ties with Ryukyu as it had with Japan; this was undesirable to all involved, as it would deny the kingdom, the Shimazu, and the shogunate not only a source of income and foreign goods through trade, but also a source of intelligence on events in the outside world, particularly China, and would at the same time deny China the rhetorical and material benefits of maintaining a loyal tributary. Though there is ample evidence that Beijing was well aware of the true situation in Ryûkyû from almost immediately after the invasion,<ref>Smits, ''Maritime Ryukyu'', 236.</ref> and thence forward throughout the period, all involved continued to make the effort to pretend as though this truth was being well-hidden, and Ming/Qing officials pretended not to know or to notice.

 

Foreign trade, along with tributary missions and student exchange to China thus continued throughout this period, though overseen by Japanese authorities, and controlled so as to best benefit Satsuma and the shogunate, not the kingdom itself. Ryukyuans were forbidden from speaking Japanese, dressing in Japanese fashion, or otherwise revealing the Japanese influence upon them; the very few who were allowed to go abroad were to speak Chinese and to espouse a combination of native Ryukyuan and Chinese culture. This was not only policy for official envoys and official communications, but was circulated throughout the kingdom, instructing commoners and villagers (peasants) similarly, that if they were to be shipwrecked or castaway in China, for example, they should not speak of relations with Japan, or reveal their own familiarity with Japanese language or culture.<ref>[[Watanabe Miki]], "Ryûkyû kara mita Shinchô" 琉球から見た清朝, in Okada Hidehiro (ed.), ''Shinchô to ha nani ka'' 清朝とは何か, Fujiwara Shoten (2009), 257.</ref> Great efforts were made whenever Chinese envoys came to Ryûkyû to hide signs of Japanese influence from view, and a fiction was maintained that any signs of Japanese influence remaining were due to Ryukyuan trade and contact with the nearby [[Tokara Islands|Takarajima]], and not with mainland Japan.<ref>Matsuda Mitsugu, The Government of the Kingdom of Ryukyu, 1609-1872, Yui Publishing (2001), 60n34.</ref>

 

The kingdom became a valuable source of sugar, Chinese luxury goods, and certain other goods and commodities to Japan; Satsuma imported these goods, or claimed them as tax payments, and then sold them through [[goyo shonin|merchants officially associated with the domain]] in [[Kyoto]]. However, the kingdom quickly became dependent on Satsuma for silver, copper, tin, and various other goods and commodities, both for its own use, and for use as tribute goods to send to China. Sugar came to be used as one of the chief forms of collateral for such loans.<ref>Akamine, 74-75.</ref>

The kingdom became in various ways a tool for both the Shimazu and the shogunate, not only for purely economic benefit, but also to political ends. Ryukyuan students and embassies to Beijing provided unparalleled intelligence on Chinese matters which could not be gained from Korea or from merchants at [[Nagasaki]], who largely knew only of coastal and maritime matters. Tributary missions from Ryukyu to [[Edo]] were accompanied by great pomp and circumstance, and considerable entourages, though subsumed within the much larger Shimazu party making its obligatory ''[[sankin kotai|sankin kôtai]]'' journey to the capital. The enforced exoticism of the Ryukyuan embassies reinforced for the shogunate and the Shimazu family both the notion that an entire foreign kingdom submitted to their authority. The shogunate made use of this to consolidate perceptions of the legitimacy of its authority, while the Shimazu used it as leverage to gain higher [[court rank]] and to negotiate for the bending of laws and taxation.

The kingdom became in various ways a tool for both the Shimazu and the shogunate, not only for purely economic benefit, but also to political ends. Ryukyuan students and embassies to Beijing provided unparalleled intelligence on Chinese matters which could not be gained from Korea or from merchants at [[Nagasaki]], who largely knew only of coastal and maritime matters. Tributary missions from Ryukyu to [[Edo]] were accompanied by great pomp and circumstance, and considerable entourages, though subsumed within the much larger Shimazu party making its obligatory ''[[sankin kotai|sankin kôtai]]'' journey to the capital. The enforced exoticism of the Ryukyuan embassies reinforced for the shogunate and the Shimazu family both the notion that an entire foreign kingdom submitted to their authority. The shogunate made use of this to consolidate perceptions of the legitimacy of its authority, while the Shimazu used it as leverage to gain higher [[court rank]] and to negotiate for the bending of laws and taxation.

The years following the [[1868]] [[Meiji Restoration]] brought drastic changes within Japan, and for the kingdom in turn. The kingdom was briefly transformed into "Okinawa [[han]]", before the ''han'' were [[abolition of the han|abolished]] entirely in [[1871]]. The dissolution of Satsuma han brought the end of Ryukyu's vassal relationship. The kingdom itself was dissolved eight years later, in [[1879]], "Okinawa han" becoming Okinawa Prefecture and the royal family being incorporated into the new Western-style Japanese [[kazoku|aristocracy]]. [[Sho Tai|Shô Tai]], the last king of Ryukyu, was brought to [[Tokyo]] from Shuri, along with his family, and made a Marquis. The vast cultural, educational, and social changes which swept Japan in the [[Meiji period]] came to Okinawa later and more slowly. By the turn of the 20th century, however, assimilation efforts were well underway, aimed at transforming Okinawa, and its inhabitants, into part of a single homogeneous Japanese nation.

The years following the [[1868]] [[Meiji Restoration]] brought drastic changes within Japan, and for the kingdom in turn. The kingdom was briefly transformed into "Okinawa [[han]]", before the ''han'' were [[abolition of the han|abolished]] entirely in [[1871]]. The dissolution of Satsuma han brought the end of Ryukyu's vassal relationship. The kingdom itself was dissolved eight years later, in [[1879]], "Okinawa han" becoming Okinawa Prefecture and the royal family being incorporated into the new Western-style Japanese [[kazoku|aristocracy]]. [[Sho Tai|Shô Tai]], the last king of Ryukyu, was brought to [[Tokyo]] from Shuri, along with his family, and made a Marquis. The vast cultural, educational, and social changes which swept Japan in the [[Meiji period]] came to Okinawa later and more slowly. By the turn of the 20th century, however, assimilation efforts were well underway, aimed at transforming Okinawa, and its inhabitants, into part of a single homogeneous Japanese nation.

==Notes==

==List of Kings of Ryûkyû==

<references/>

 

In China, in the case of natural succession, it was usual to consider a ruler's reign as starting the year after the death or resignation of his predecessor. This way of dating was often used in the traditional histories of Ryukyu. <ref>For instance, the [[Chuzan seikan]] 中山世鑑 of 1650 gives the accession year 御即位 of Shô Hashi as 1422, the year after his father's death. Hashi died in the "18th year of his reign" in 1439, and his son's accession year was 1440.</ref> The list below, based on Matayoshi (1988), follows this convention, which is the one generally, though not universally, used.

 

 

 

==References==

==Notes & References==

*[[Hamashita Takeshi|Hamashita, Takeshi]]. 沖縄入門 (''Okinawa nyuumon''). Tokyo: Chikumashobou (筑摩書房), 2000.

*[[Hamashita Takeshi|Hamashita, Takeshi]]. 沖縄入門 (''Okinawa nyuumon''). Tokyo: Chikumashobou (筑摩書房), 2000.

*[[George Kerr|Kerr, George]]. ''Okinawa: the History of an Island People.'' (revised ed.) Boston: Tuttle Publishing, 2000.  

*[[George Kerr|Kerr, George]]. ''Okinawa: the History of an Island People.'' (revised ed.) Boston: Tuttle Publishing, 2000.  

*[[Gregory Smits|Smits, Gregory]]. ''Visions of Ryukyu: Identity and Ideology in Early-Modern Thought and Politics''. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1999.

*[[Gregory Smits|Smits, Gregory]]. ''Visions of Ryukyu: Identity and Ideology in Early-Modern Thought and Politics''. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1999.

*Yokoyama Manabu 横山学, ''Ryûkyû koku shisetsu torai no kenkyû'' 琉球国使節渡来の研究, Tokyo: Yoshikawa kôbunkan (1987).

*Yokoyama Manabu 横山学, ''Ryûkyû koku shisetsu torai no kenkyû'' 琉球国使節渡来の研究, Tokyo: Yoshikawa kôbunkan (1987).

==See also==

==See also==