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Ainu organizations held a series of high-profile protests outside the [[National Diet]] in 1992, demanding the revocation of the Former Natives Protection Law of 1899.<ref name=watson80>Watson, 80.</ref> This came after Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro, in 1986, made comments asserting Japan's ethnic homogeneity, angering many in Ainu, Okinawan, Zainichi Korean, and other communities. The Former Natives Protection Law was finally repealed in 1997, and replaced with a Cultural Promotion Act, recognizing for the first time minority ethnicities within Japan, and acknowledging the importance of promoting Ainu culture and ethnic pride. However, this Cultural Promotion Act mandated no specific actions, and guaranteed no special privileges or rights.<ref name=watson79>Watson, 78-79.</ref> Japan was a signatory in 2007 to the United Nations' Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, but like many countries added stipulations that the Declaration did not apply to their own (Japanese domestic) situation. It was only the following year, on 6 June, 2008, that both houses of the Japanese Diet unanimously adopted a resolution to recognize the Ainu as an indigenous people, and nominally at least entitled to the rights the UN Declaration stipulates. A Council for Ainu Policy Promotion was formed in 2009.<ref>Gallery labels, "Ainu Treasures," East-West Center Gallery, Feb 2013.[https://www.flickr.com/photos/toranosuke/8523752824/sizes/l]</ref>
 
Ainu organizations held a series of high-profile protests outside the [[National Diet]] in 1992, demanding the revocation of the Former Natives Protection Law of 1899.<ref name=watson80>Watson, 80.</ref> This came after Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro, in 1986, made comments asserting Japan's ethnic homogeneity, angering many in Ainu, Okinawan, Zainichi Korean, and other communities. The Former Natives Protection Law was finally repealed in 1997, and replaced with a Cultural Promotion Act, recognizing for the first time minority ethnicities within Japan, and acknowledging the importance of promoting Ainu culture and ethnic pride. However, this Cultural Promotion Act mandated no specific actions, and guaranteed no special privileges or rights.<ref name=watson79>Watson, 78-79.</ref> Japan was a signatory in 2007 to the United Nations' Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, but like many countries added stipulations that the Declaration did not apply to their own (Japanese domestic) situation. It was only the following year, on 6 June, 2008, that both houses of the Japanese Diet unanimously adopted a resolution to recognize the Ainu as an indigenous people, and nominally at least entitled to the rights the UN Declaration stipulates. A Council for Ainu Policy Promotion was formed in 2009.<ref>Gallery labels, "Ainu Treasures," East-West Center Gallery, Feb 2013.[https://www.flickr.com/photos/toranosuke/8523752824/sizes/l]</ref>
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Some sources estimate that roughly 10,000 Ainu live in the [[Kanto|Kantô region]] (the greater metropolitan & suburban area around [[Tokyo]] and [[Yokohama]]) today, and that there are likely more Ainu outside of Hokkaidô than within the prefecture. Mark Watson estimates that only about forty Ainu individuals are particularly active in Ainu cultural/political organizations in Tokyo, but is sure to point out that, as is the case for people of any ethnic identity, this does not make the others - whose lives are more strongly dominated by the demands of family, work, and other social associations & activities - any less Ainu.<ref name=watson80/> While Ainu in Hokkaidô continue to face numerous serious challenges, and while issues of colonialism, displacement, and dispossession remain serious and worthy of both political and academic attention, scholars such as Mark Watson argue that a truer appreciation of Ainu identity, livelihood, and culture in the 20th-21st centuries requires attention to the "diaspora" as well. Considering the Ainu people in this way also means not dismissing Ainu issues as being only of local concern (i.e. in Hokkaidô), and seeing them instead as being of national, or even international, importance.<ref name=watson69>Watson, 69-71.</ref>
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The chief Ainu communities in Hokkaidô today are located at Lake Akan, [[Shiraoi]], and [[Nibutani]].<ref name=soas/> Some sources estimate that roughly 10,000 Ainu live in the [[Kanto|Kantô region]] (the greater metropolitan & suburban area around [[Tokyo]] and [[Yokohama]]) today, and that there are likely more Ainu outside of Hokkaidô than within the prefecture. Mark Watson estimates that only about forty Ainu individuals are particularly active in Ainu cultural/political organizations in Tokyo, but is sure to point out that, as is the case for people of any ethnic identity, this does not make the others - whose lives are more strongly dominated by the demands of family, work, and other social associations & activities - any less Ainu.<ref name=watson80/> While Ainu in Hokkaidô continue to face numerous serious challenges, and while issues of colonialism, displacement, and dispossession remain serious and worthy of both political and academic attention, scholars such as Mark Watson argue that a truer appreciation of Ainu identity, livelihood, and culture in the 20th-21st centuries requires attention to the "diaspora" as well. Considering the Ainu people in this way also means not dismissing Ainu issues as being only of local concern (i.e. in Hokkaidô), and seeing them instead as being of national, or even international, importance.<ref name=watson69>Watson, 69-71.</ref>
    
As is the case for many indigenous peoples around the world, Ainu struggle with others' assumptions that indigenous identity is situated exclusively in a given space (Hokkaidô) and time (pre-modern/primitive), such that Ainu identity would be antithetical to modern or cosmopolitan life. As Watson writes, "Ainu, it is assumed, would not survive or ... would not want to survive ''as Ainu'' in the city" (italics added).<ref name=watson69/> Indeed, Ainu living outside of Hokkaidô are legally regarded no differently from Wajin (Japanese), and receive no special privileges, benefits, or indigenous rights. They are ineligible for membership in the Hokkaidô Utari Kyôkai (the largest Ainu association), and are thus omitted from surveys and studies on Ainu socio-economic conditions. Similarly, only Ainu living in Hokkaidô receive benefits from the Hokkaidô Utari Welfare Countermeasures welfare scheme, first enacted in 1974.<ref name=watson79/>
 
As is the case for many indigenous peoples around the world, Ainu struggle with others' assumptions that indigenous identity is situated exclusively in a given space (Hokkaidô) and time (pre-modern/primitive), such that Ainu identity would be antithetical to modern or cosmopolitan life. As Watson writes, "Ainu, it is assumed, would not survive or ... would not want to survive ''as Ainu'' in the city" (italics added).<ref name=watson69/> Indeed, Ainu living outside of Hokkaidô are legally regarded no differently from Wajin (Japanese), and receive no special privileges, benefits, or indigenous rights. They are ineligible for membership in the Hokkaidô Utari Kyôkai (the largest Ainu association), and are thus omitted from surveys and studies on Ainu socio-economic conditions. Similarly, only Ainu living in Hokkaidô receive benefits from the Hokkaidô Utari Welfare Countermeasures welfare scheme, first enacted in 1974.<ref name=watson79/>
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