Changes

The Manchus demanded Chosŏn express its loyalty to the Qing in a number of ways: adopting the Qing calendar and Qing reign names; switching the Ming-granted royal seal for a Qing-granted one; and by addressing the Qing in formal communications in the way Chosŏn had previously addressed the Ming (e.g. with terms such as "Heavenly Realm" 天朝, rather than simply "the Qing" 清朝 or 清国, let alone terms referring to the Manchus as "barbarians"). Chosŏn court officials were united in opposing the Manchu invasion, but after their kingdom was defeated, they ultimately agreed to participate in the tribute/investiture relationship, and to many of the associated practices mentioned above. At the same time, however, the fall of the Ming necessitated the development of a Korean identity separated from China. The kingdom could no longer draw legitimacy from (contemporary) China, which had fallen to chaos and to barbarian invaders, but had to find new ways to continue to base its legitimacy in the idea of the Ming. In internal (domestic) documents, Chosŏn continued to employ the Ming calendar, and to refer to the Qing as simply the Qing, or as barbarians; the Court also put into place numerous anti-Qing or Ming loyalist state rituals, which ritually, symbolically, represented loyalty to the Ming, and a view of the Qing as an illegitimate regime.<ref name=rawski139/>

The Manchus demanded Chosŏn express its loyalty to the Qing in a number of ways: adopting the Qing calendar and Qing reign names; switching the Ming-granted royal seal for a Qing-granted one; and by addressing the Qing in formal communications in the way Chosŏn had previously addressed the Ming (e.g. with terms such as "Heavenly Realm" 天朝, rather than simply "the Qing" 清朝 or 清国, let alone terms referring to the Manchus as "barbarians"). Chosŏn court officials were united in opposing the Manchu invasion, but after their kingdom was defeated, they ultimately agreed to participate in the tribute/investiture relationship, and to many of the associated practices mentioned above. At the same time, however, the fall of the Ming necessitated the development of a Korean identity separated from China. The kingdom could no longer draw legitimacy from (contemporary) China, which had fallen to chaos and to barbarian invaders, but had to find new ways to continue to base its legitimacy in the idea of the Ming. In internal (domestic) documents, Chosŏn continued to employ the Ming calendar, and to refer to the Qing as simply the Qing, or as barbarians; the Court also put into place numerous anti-Qing or Ming loyalist state rituals, which ritually, symbolically, represented loyalty to the Ming, and a view of the Qing as an illegitimate regime.<ref name=rawski139/>

While Joseon maintained a policy of [[kaikin|maritime restrictions]] more or less just as strict as that of the Tokugawa shogunate, it was less strict in banning [[Christianity]], and a number of Christian missionaries managed to sneak into Korea from China over the course of the period.<ref>Mitani Hiroshi, David Noble (trans.), ''Escape from Impasse'', International House of Japan (2006), 2.</ref>

While Joseon maintained a policy of [[kaikin|maritime restrictions]] more or less just as strict as that of the Tokugawa shogunate, it was less strict in banning [[Christianity]], and a number of Christian missionaries managed to sneak into Korea from China over the course of the period.<ref>Mitani Hiroshi, David Noble (trans.), ''Escape from Impasse'', International House of Japan (2006), 2.</ref> A Chinese-language translation of the Christian Bible first circulated in Korea beginning in [[1784]].<ref>Gallery labels, National Museum of Korea.[https://www.flickr.com/photos/toranosuke/38951700914/in/photostream/]</ref>

In the 1860s, seeking to protect and continue its traditional [[tribute|tributary]] relationship with [[Qing Dynasty]] China, Korea resisted entering into diplomatic relations in the Western mode with either Western powers, or with the Qing's own Western-style foreign affairs office, the [[Zongli Yamen]].<ref>Hellyer, 236.</ref> When informed in [[1869]] of the [[Meiji Restoration|fall of the Tokugawa shogunate]] and the establishment of a new [[Meiji government|Imperial Japanese government]], the Korean Court chastised the Sô family for its breach of the traditional vassal/tributary relationship, and Japanese-Korean relations soured for several years; after [[Tsushima han|Tsushima]] and the Sô clan were removed from their traditionally special permission, and the [[Meiji government]] more fully took over control of foreign relations, factions within the government [[Seikanron|debated]] in [[1873]]-[[1874]] whether to invade Korea as punishment for its hostile position; in the end, there was no invasion, and several prominent figures in support of the invasion resigned from government. In [[1875]], a Japanese ship requesting aid, food, and water at a Korean port was fired upon in response, and so [[Inoue Kaoru]] and [[Kuroda Kiyotaka]] traveled to Korea on an official mission to address the issue. [[Mori Arinori]] was simultaneously dispatched to China, to seek China's assistance in securing friendly relations with Korea.<ref>[[Marius Jansen]], ''China in the Tokugawa World'', Harvard University Press (1992), 115.</ref>

In the 1860s, seeking to protect and continue its traditional [[tribute|tributary]] relationship with [[Qing Dynasty]] China, Korea resisted entering into diplomatic relations in the Western mode with either Western powers, or with the Qing's own Western-style foreign affairs office, the [[Zongli Yamen]].<ref>Hellyer, 236.</ref> When informed in [[1869]] of the [[Meiji Restoration|fall of the Tokugawa shogunate]] and the establishment of a new [[Meiji government|Imperial Japanese government]], the Korean Court chastised the Sô family for its breach of the traditional vassal/tributary relationship, and Japanese-Korean relations soured for several years; after [[Tsushima han|Tsushima]] and the Sô clan were removed from their traditionally special permission, and the [[Meiji government]] more fully took over control of foreign relations, factions within the government [[Seikanron|debated]] in [[1873]]-[[1874]] whether to invade Korea as punishment for its hostile position; in the end, there was no invasion, and several prominent figures in support of the invasion resigned from government. In [[1875]], a Japanese ship requesting aid, food, and water at a Korean port was fired upon in response, and so [[Inoue Kaoru]] and [[Kuroda Kiyotaka]] traveled to Korea on an official mission to address the issue. [[Mori Arinori]] was simultaneously dispatched to China, to seek China's assistance in securing friendly relations with Korea.<ref>[[Marius Jansen]], ''China in the Tokugawa World'', Harvard University Press (1992), 115.</ref>