Changes

From SamuraiWiki
Jump to navigationJump to search
398 bytes added ,  04:44, 17 January 2018
Line 17: Line 17:     
===Court Ritual & Confucianism===
 
===Court Ritual & Confucianism===
Following [[Red Turbans|Red Turban]] ([[Ming Dynasty|Ming]]) attacks on the Koryo capital in [[1361]], and the chaos surrounding Koryo's fall, Choson worked to rebuild, and began in the 1390s into the 1400s to establish a government more strongly based upon ancient Confucian classics, and [[Zhu Xi|Zhu Xi’s]] commentaries, rather than on Buddhism. However, different advisors advocated different threads of Confucianism, and considerable factionalism emerged, with doctrinal conflicts often following regional or kinship lines. State rituals began to be standardized and codified more strongly under [[King Sejong]] ([[1418]]-[[1450]]). Sejong commissioned court scholars to consult ancient Chinese texts, and to compile a singular authoritative and comprehensive ritual code for the kingdom. The result was expansions of the ''Orye uiju'' (五礼儀注), a text compiled in [[1415]], which outlined the chief “auspicious rites.” Other state rituals were added to the text in [[1444]]-[[1451]], and the volume was revised into the ''Kukcho orye ui'' (国朝五礼儀) in [[1474]]. The main focus of all of these ritual writings was the construction of a cosmic order through the enactment of rituals, and specifically those rituals which the [[Chinese world order|Chinese order]] permitted the head of a vassal state (i.e. a [[king]], not an [[Emperor of China|Emperor]]) to perform. In contrast to the preceding Koryo Dynasty, which was heavily dominated by Buddhist political culture, the people surrounding the Chosŏn founder decided to replace an eclectic mix of various state rituals with a more systematized and organized order of Confucian state ritual, based on Chinese models. As early as the very first year of Chosŏn rule, there were officials who petitioned that certain state rituals should be abolished, as the Chinese order dictated they were only to be performed by the [[Emperor of China]], and not by tributary Kings. Overall, however, this stance was not immediately adopted by the Court. Amidst droughts and other problems, many at Court were quite willing to retain whatever seemed to work, whether it be Buddhist or Confucian in origin. These included Imperial Chinese rituals, as well as native Korean rain rituals, performed on a Round Altar (圓壇) like that which Chinese Confucian ideology dictated should be restricted to the Emperor’s use.<ref>Evelyn Rawski, ''Early Modern China and Northeast Asia: Cross-Border Perspectives'', Cambridge University Press (2015), 126-127, 131.</ref>
+
Following [[Red Turbans|Red Turban]] ([[Ming Dynasty|Ming]]) attacks on the Koryo capital in [[1361]], and the chaos surrounding Koryo's fall, Choson worked to rebuild, and began in the 1390s into the 1400s to establish a government more strongly based upon ancient Confucian classics, and [[Zhu Xi|Zhu Xi’s]] commentaries, rather than on Buddhism. However, different advisors advocated different threads of Confucianism, and considerable factionalism emerged, with doctrinal conflicts often following regional or kinship lines. State rituals began to be standardized and codified more strongly under [[King Sejong]] ([[1418]]-[[1450]]). Sejong commissioned court scholars to consult ancient Chinese texts, and to compile a singular authoritative and comprehensive ritual code for the kingdom. The result was expansions of the ''Orye uiju'' (五礼儀注), a text compiled in [[1415]], which outlined the chief “auspicious rites.” Other state rituals were added to the text in [[1444]]-[[1451]], and the volume was revised into the ''Kukcho orye ui'' (国朝五礼儀) in [[1474]]. The main focus of all of these ritual writings was the construction of a cosmic order through the enactment of rituals, and specifically those rituals which the [[Chinese world order|Chinese order]] permitted the head of a vassal state (i.e. a [[king]], not an [[Emperor of China|Emperor]]) to perform. In contrast to the preceding Koryo Dynasty, which was heavily dominated by Buddhist political culture, the people surrounding the Chosŏn founder decided to replace an eclectic mix of various state rituals with a more systematized and organized order of Confucian state ritual, based on Chinese models. As early as the very first year of Chosŏn rule, there were officials who petitioned that certain state rituals should be abolished, as the Chinese order dictated they were only to be performed by the [[Emperor of China]], and not by tributary Kings. Overall, however, this stance was not immediately adopted by the Court. Amidst droughts and other problems, many at Court were quite willing to retain whatever seemed to work, whether it be Buddhist or Confucian in origin. These included Imperial Chinese rituals, as well as native Korean rain rituals, performed on a Round Altar (圓壇) like that which Chinese Confucian ideology dictated should be restricted to the Emperor’s use.<ref>Evelyn Rawski, ''Early Modern China and Northeast Asia: Cross-Border Perspectives'', Cambridge University Press (2015), 126-127, 131.</ref> Sejong's reforms also included changing the royal costume (''[[gollyongpo]]'') from the blue which was standard under Goryeo to the red which would remain standard for the remainder of the Joseon period, as well as various changes to ceremonial court music.<ref>"Portrait of King Taejo," gallery labels, National Museum of Korea.[https://www.flickr.com/photos/toranosuke/39629482712/sizes/l]</ref>
    
Overall, Confucianism was seen as universal, as something not necessarily representing submission to China as a political entity, or to Chinese ways as a particular (foreign) culture, but rather as a set of attitudes and practices constituting the observance of proper civilization, the observance of the best way of doing things. But, still, considerable disagreements and debates continued for centuries as to how precisely to implement Confucian political culture in Korea, a country with its own distinctive history and traditions. For the first several centuries of the Joseon period, the Court shifted nearly constantly on issues of proper ritual practice, as factions rose and fell, and as various attitudes and approaches accordingly gained and lost support. Korean stances towards state rituals remained somewhat contradictory, or complicated; many steps towards fuller Confucianization were resisted on the grounds of adhering to precedents, i.e. on the grounds of continuing to do things the proper Korean way.<ref>Rawski, 138.</ref>  
 
Overall, Confucianism was seen as universal, as something not necessarily representing submission to China as a political entity, or to Chinese ways as a particular (foreign) culture, but rather as a set of attitudes and practices constituting the observance of proper civilization, the observance of the best way of doing things. But, still, considerable disagreements and debates continued for centuries as to how precisely to implement Confucian political culture in Korea, a country with its own distinctive history and traditions. For the first several centuries of the Joseon period, the Court shifted nearly constantly on issues of proper ritual practice, as factions rose and fell, and as various attitudes and approaches accordingly gained and lost support. Korean stances towards state rituals remained somewhat contradictory, or complicated; many steps towards fuller Confucianization were resisted on the grounds of adhering to precedents, i.e. on the grounds of continuing to do things the proper Korean way.<ref>Rawski, 138.</ref>  
contributor
27,127

edits

Navigation menu