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The city of [[Kyoto]] was intentionally shaped into a symbol of Japan's great, noble, past, and numerous historical figures (such as [[Kusunoki Masashige]]) were revived and celebrated as national heroes. [[Nitobe Inazo|Nitobe Inazô]] invented and promoted the notion of ''[[bushido]]'' as a corollary to Europe's great tradition of chivalry. A European-style aristocratic peerage, complete with titles equivalent to Baron, Duke, and Marquis, was implemented, and many classical government positions were given equivalent European names; for example, the post of ''[[Naidaijin]]'' was named [[Lord of the Privy Seal]], and was, at least partially, patterned in its new, modern incarnation, after the position of Lord of the Privy Seal in European courts.<ref>Ben Ami Shillony, "Restoration, Emperor, Diet, Prefecture, or: How Japanese Concepts were Mistranslated into Western Languages," ''Collected Writings of Ben-Ami Shillony'', Edition Synapse (2000), 67.</ref>
 
The city of [[Kyoto]] was intentionally shaped into a symbol of Japan's great, noble, past, and numerous historical figures (such as [[Kusunoki Masashige]]) were revived and celebrated as national heroes. [[Nitobe Inazo|Nitobe Inazô]] invented and promoted the notion of ''[[bushido]]'' as a corollary to Europe's great tradition of chivalry. A European-style aristocratic peerage, complete with titles equivalent to Baron, Duke, and Marquis, was implemented, and many classical government positions were given equivalent European names; for example, the post of ''[[Naidaijin]]'' was named [[Lord of the Privy Seal]], and was, at least partially, patterned in its new, modern incarnation, after the position of Lord of the Privy Seal in European courts.<ref>Ben Ami Shillony, "Restoration, Emperor, Diet, Prefecture, or: How Japanese Concepts were Mistranslated into Western Languages," ''Collected Writings of Ben-Ami Shillony'', Edition Synapse (2000), 67.</ref>
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For the first decade or two of the period, the Meiji government made little concerted effort to guide the (re)building and shaping of Tokyo and Kyoto, and in fact for the first several years of the period the government remained undecided as to which city would be the official capital, or whether they might have multiple capitals. Even after it was decided that Tokyo would be the national, Imperial, capital, for many years little coordinated effort was made to reshape the city into a national symbol and modern capital in the Western/modern mode. The Imperial family moved from Kyoto into a set of buildings in the nishi-no-maru (western bailey) of [[Edo castle]] as early as [[1869]], but it was only in the late 1880s and 1890s (albeit with a few earlier exceptions) that the government begin to build grand boulevards, triumphal arches, massive public parks, and statues of national heroes. And it was only in 1889 that the [[Tokyo Imperial Palace]] itself was (re)built, the modern imperial palace created out of the former shogunal castle. Similarly, the old imperial capital of Kyoto was largely left to simply fall into disrepair from 1868 until the 1880s, before the government decided to make a concerted effort to shape Kyoto into a powerful symbol of Japan's illustrious past. Beginning in the 1880s, the [[Kyoto Imperial Palace]] was repaired, and much of its grounds transformed into a public park, with many other sites in the city attracting government attention and support as well. Historian [[Takashi Fujitani]] writes of a "museumification of Kyoto" which was effected at this time, transforming the city into something "not unlike a public museum in its display of objects that were to be appreciated as the true representations of history."<ref>Takashi Fujitani, ''Splendid Monarchy'', UC Press (1998), 60-61.</ref>
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For the first decade or two of the period, the Meiji government made little concerted effort to guide the (re)building and shaping of Tokyo and Kyoto, and in fact for the first several years of the period the government remained undecided as to which city would be the official capital, or whether they might have multiple capitals. Even after it was decided that Tokyo would be the national, Imperial, capital, for many years little coordinated effort was made to reshape the city into a national symbol and modern capital in the Western/modern mode. The Imperial family moved from Kyoto into a set of buildings in the nishi-no-maru (western bailey) of [[Edo castle]] as early as [[1869]], but it was only in the late 1880s and 1890s (albeit with a few earlier exceptions) that the government begin to build grand boulevards, triumphal arches, massive public parks, and statues of national heroes. And it was only in 1889 that the [[Tokyo Imperial Palace]] itself was (re)built, the modern imperial palace created out of the former shogunal castle. Similarly, the old imperial capital of Kyoto was largely left to simply fall into disrepair from 1868 until the 1880s, before the government decided to make a concerted effort to shape Kyoto into a powerful symbol of Japan's illustrious past. Beginning in the 1880s, the [[Kyoto Imperial Palace]] was repaired, and much of its grounds transformed into a public park, with many other sites in the city attracting government attention and support as well. Historian [[Takashi Fujitani]] writes of a "museumification of Kyoto" which was effected at this time, transforming the city into something "not unlike a public museum in its display of objects that were to be appreciated as the true representations of history."<ref>Fujitani, 60-61.</ref>
    
[[State Shinto]] was also developed, along with a complex set of rituals, tradition, and national ideology surrounding the Emperor. However, like much else in this period, this developed over time. Though many of the earliest Meiji period documents express adulation of the emperor, continuing the ''[[sonno|sonnô]] [[joi|jôi]]'' and ''[[kokugaku]]'' rhetoric which preceded them, it was only after the [[1895]] [[Sino-Japanese War|victory over the Chinese]] that the ultranationalist forms of "emperor-worship" emblematic of the 1930s-1940s began to settle into place.<ref>David Lu, ''Japan: A Documentary History'', M.E. Sharpe (1997), 306.</ref> Shinto was divided into State Shinto, with hierarchies of national shrines being created; Sect Shinto, in which networks of related shrines were counted as separate from the national hierarchies; and local folk practices. Numerous shrines were formally designated as chief shrine for their prefecture, and shrines were also established in the colonies. [[Buddhism]] was at the same time very briefly but very powerfully suppressed, in a policy known as ''[[haibutsu kishaku]]''. Where Buddhism and Shinto had previously been closely intertwined, Buddhism was now extricated from shrines, to make them more purely Shinto sites. A great many temples were closed in [[1869]]-[[1870]] or so, and a great many Buddhist artworks, icons, and artifacts were either sold to foreign collectors or were destroyed.
 
[[State Shinto]] was also developed, along with a complex set of rituals, tradition, and national ideology surrounding the Emperor. However, like much else in this period, this developed over time. Though many of the earliest Meiji period documents express adulation of the emperor, continuing the ''[[sonno|sonnô]] [[joi|jôi]]'' and ''[[kokugaku]]'' rhetoric which preceded them, it was only after the [[1895]] [[Sino-Japanese War|victory over the Chinese]] that the ultranationalist forms of "emperor-worship" emblematic of the 1930s-1940s began to settle into place.<ref>David Lu, ''Japan: A Documentary History'', M.E. Sharpe (1997), 306.</ref> Shinto was divided into State Shinto, with hierarchies of national shrines being created; Sect Shinto, in which networks of related shrines were counted as separate from the national hierarchies; and local folk practices. Numerous shrines were formally designated as chief shrine for their prefecture, and shrines were also established in the colonies. [[Buddhism]] was at the same time very briefly but very powerfully suppressed, in a policy known as ''[[haibutsu kishaku]]''. Where Buddhism and Shinto had previously been closely intertwined, Buddhism was now extricated from shrines, to make them more purely Shinto sites. A great many temples were closed in [[1869]]-[[1870]] or so, and a great many Buddhist artworks, icons, and artifacts were either sold to foreign collectors or were destroyed.
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The massive cultural and societal shifts into modernity also brought significant linguistic developments. Firstly, the shift from [[Printing and Publishing|woodblock printing]] to movable type meant a standardization of the characters ([[kana]] and [[kanji]]). Where woodblock printing previously emulated handwriting, in which each character might be abbreviated, calligraphically, in a number of ways, modern type (along with modern public education) now formalized both the ''kana'' and ''kanji'' into the forms we know today.<ref>Note, however, that the simplification of characters did not occur until after World War II. What are known today as ''kyûjitai'' (lit. "old character forms"), such as 國、禮、and 體, were still standard through the Meiji period, and had not yet been formally, officially, replaced by the ''shinjitai'' ("new character forms") 国、礼、and 体.</ref> Second, numerous new terms were coined and incorporated into the language, to refer to modern technologies, Western cultural and intellectual concepts, and modern political and social structures. The term ''tetsudô'' (鉄道, lit. "iron road") was coined, for example, to refer to [[railroads]], and the terms ''jitensha'' (自転車, "self turning vehicle") and ''denwa'' (電話, "electric talk") for bicycles and telephone respectively. New words were coined to refer to "philosophy" (哲学, ''tetsugaku''), "literature" (文学, ''bungaku''), "economics" (経済, ''keizai''), and "politics" (政治, ''seiji''), as understood in their particular modern/Western forms. The concept of "art," that is, high art, especially as divided into "visual arts" and "performing arts," similarly had not previously existed in Japan, and so the terms ''bijutsu'' 美術 and ''geijutsu'' 芸術 were coined. Meanwhile, numerous new fields only first emerging in the West as well at that time, such as anthropology (人類学, ''jinruigaku''), needed to be termed in Japanese. New political structures and concepts such as the "citizen" (国民, ''kokumin''), the Imperial subject (皇民, ''kômin''), and the Nation/State (国家, ''kokka''), as well as "society" (社会, ''shakai''), "freedom" or "liberty" (自由, ''jiyû''), and "people's rights" (民権, ''minken''), similarly came into being at this time. A great many of these terms were then adopted into [[Chinese language|Chinese]].  
 
The massive cultural and societal shifts into modernity also brought significant linguistic developments. Firstly, the shift from [[Printing and Publishing|woodblock printing]] to movable type meant a standardization of the characters ([[kana]] and [[kanji]]). Where woodblock printing previously emulated handwriting, in which each character might be abbreviated, calligraphically, in a number of ways, modern type (along with modern public education) now formalized both the ''kana'' and ''kanji'' into the forms we know today.<ref>Note, however, that the simplification of characters did not occur until after World War II. What are known today as ''kyûjitai'' (lit. "old character forms"), such as 國、禮、and 體, were still standard through the Meiji period, and had not yet been formally, officially, replaced by the ''shinjitai'' ("new character forms") 国、礼、and 体.</ref> Second, numerous new terms were coined and incorporated into the language, to refer to modern technologies, Western cultural and intellectual concepts, and modern political and social structures. The term ''tetsudô'' (鉄道, lit. "iron road") was coined, for example, to refer to [[railroads]], and the terms ''jitensha'' (自転車, "self turning vehicle") and ''denwa'' (電話, "electric talk") for bicycles and telephone respectively. New words were coined to refer to "philosophy" (哲学, ''tetsugaku''), "literature" (文学, ''bungaku''), "economics" (経済, ''keizai''), and "politics" (政治, ''seiji''), as understood in their particular modern/Western forms. The concept of "art," that is, high art, especially as divided into "visual arts" and "performing arts," similarly had not previously existed in Japan, and so the terms ''bijutsu'' 美術 and ''geijutsu'' 芸術 were coined. Meanwhile, numerous new fields only first emerging in the West as well at that time, such as anthropology (人類学, ''jinruigaku''), needed to be termed in Japanese. New political structures and concepts such as the "citizen" (国民, ''kokumin''), the Imperial subject (皇民, ''kômin''), and the Nation/State (国家, ''kokka''), as well as "society" (社会, ''shakai''), "freedom" or "liberty" (自由, ''jiyû''), and "people's rights" (民権, ''minken''), similarly came into being at this time. A great many of these terms were then adopted into [[Chinese language|Chinese]].  
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History was also reconceptualized at this time, as Meiji discourse constructed a "national" history, one in which "Japan" had always existed as a single unit under an unbroken line of Emperors, and in which the Tokugawa period was repressive and backwards, and the Meiji period one of progress and modernity. In the course of writing this history, numerous terms were either coined anew, or appropriated from the Chinese classics, and applied retroactively, anachronistically, to the past. It was in these histories that the feudal domains of the Edo period were first called ''[[han]]'',<ref>Mark Ravina, ''Land and Lordship in Early Modern Japan'', Stanford University Press (1999), 28.</ref> that the emperors were for the first time invariably called ''tennô''<ref>In actual historical usage, the term ''tennô'' fell in and out of usage over the centuries.; Ben-Ami Shillony, "Restoration, Emperor, Diet, Prefecture, or: How Japanese Concepts were Mistranslated into Western Languages," ''Collected Writings of Ben-Ami Shillony'', Synapse (2000), 69-71.</ref>, and that the term ''bakufu'' (lit. "tent government") was adopted as the chief, standard term for the three [[bakufu|shogunates]].<ref>Watanabe Hiroshi, Luke Roberts (trans.), "About Some Japanese Historical Terms," ''Sino-Japanese Studies'' 10:2 (1998), 32-35.</ref>  
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History was also reconceptualized at this time, as Meiji discourse constructed a "national" history, one in which "Japan" had always existed as a single unit under an unbroken line of Emperors, and in which the Tokugawa period was repressive and backwards, and the Meiji period one of progress and modernity. In the course of writing this history, numerous terms were either coined anew, or appropriated from the Chinese classics, and applied retroactively, anachronistically, to the past. It was in these histories that the feudal domains of the Edo period were first called ''[[han]]'',<ref>Mark Ravina, ''Land and Lordship in Early Modern Japan'', Stanford University Press (1999), 28.</ref> that the emperors were for the first time invariably called ''tennô''<ref>In actual historical usage, the term ''tennô'' fell in and out of usage over the centuries.; Shillony, 69-71.</ref>, and that the term ''bakufu'' (lit. "tent government") was adopted as the chief, standard term for the three [[bakufu|shogunates]].<ref>Watanabe Hiroshi, Luke Roberts (trans.), "About Some Japanese Historical Terms," ''Sino-Japanese Studies'' 10:2 (1998), 32-35.</ref>  
    
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