Changes

From the Meiji period onwards, and especially in the 1950s-60s when there was a "Hokkaidô tourism boom," demand for souvenirs and the like spurred the (re)creation of much Ainu art, including especially wood-carved objects. Fujito Takeki and Sunazawa Bikki are counted among the pioneers in the revival or renaissance of Ainu arts.<ref>Gallery labels, National Museum of Japanese History.</ref>

From the Meiji period onwards, and especially in the 1950s-60s when there was a "Hokkaidô tourism boom," demand for souvenirs and the like spurred the (re)creation of much Ainu art, including especially wood-carved objects. Fujito Takeki and Sunazawa Bikki are counted among the pioneers in the revival or renaissance of Ainu arts.<ref>Gallery labels, National Museum of Japanese History.</ref>

Ainu migration to Tokyo and other mainland urban areas picked up in the 1950s-1960s, with many Ainu relocating to such areas in search of work, or for other typical modern immigrant reasons. In these decades, roughly 30% of Ainu in the Kantô worked as day laborers or seasonal workers. Most of these Ainu individuals relocated to Tokyo alongside friends, or in order to join relatives already resident there. However, it was not until more recent decades that any significant number of people seem to have begun to identify with a broader "Ainu in Tokyo" or "Ainu diaspora" community, beyond the immediate circles of their friends and family.<ref>Watson, 76.</ref>

Ainu migration to Tokyo and other mainland urban areas picked up in the 1950s-1960s, with many Ainu relocating to such areas in search of work, or for other typical modern immigrant reasons. In these decades, roughly 30% of Ainu in the Kantô worked as day laborers or seasonal workers. Most of these Ainu individuals relocated to Tokyo alongside friends, or in order to join relatives already resident there. However, it was not until more recent decades that any significant number of people seem to have begun to identify with a broader "Ainu in Tokyo" or "Ainu diaspora" community, beyond the immediate circles of their friends and family.<ref>Watson, 76.</ref> The first such group, the Tokyo Utari Association, was founded in the early 1970s, and though it collapsed by 1980, it was replaced by the Kantô Utari Association. By 1997, there were four major Ainu associations in Tokyo, which came together to negotiate with the metropolitan government for the establishment of a formal Ainu community center.<ref>Watson, 77-80.</ref>

The Ainu were officially recognized as an indigenous people in 1997. However, the Cultural Promotion Act promulgated that year bestowed upon them no special privileges or rights, just nominal recognition.<ref name=watson79>Watson, 78-79.</ref>

The Ainu were officially recognized as an indigenous people in 1997. However, the Cultural Promotion Act promulgated that year bestowed upon them no special privileges or rights, just nominal recognition.<ref name=watson79>Watson, 78-79.</ref> This came after a series of high-profile protests outside the [[National Diet]] in 1992, demanding the revocation of the Former Natives Protection Law of 1899.<ref name=watson80>Watson, 80.</ref>

Some sources estimate that roughly 10,000 Ainu live in the [[Kanto|Kantô region]] (the greater metropolitan & suburban area around [[Tokyo]] and [[Yokohama]]) today, and that there are likely more Ainu outside of Hokkaidô than within the prefecture. While Ainu in Hokkaidô continue to face numerous serious challenges, and while issues of colonialism, displacement, and dispossession remain serious and worthy of both political and academic attention, scholars such as Mark Watson argue that a truer appreciation of Ainu identity, livelihood, and culture in the 20th-21st centuries requires attention to the "diaspora" as well. Considering the Ainu people in this way also means not dismissing Ainu issues as being only of local concern (i.e. in Hokkaidô), and seeing them instead as being of national, or even international, importance.<ref name=watson69>Watson, 69-71.</ref>

Some sources estimate that roughly 10,000 Ainu live in the [[Kanto|Kantô region]] (the greater metropolitan & suburban area around [[Tokyo]] and [[Yokohama]]) today, and that there are likely more Ainu outside of Hokkaidô than within the prefecture. Mark Watson estimates that only about forty Ainu individuals are particularly active in Ainu cultural/political organizations in Tokyo, but is sure to point out that, as is the case for people of any ethnic identity, this does not make the others - whose lives are more strongly dominated by the demands of family, work, and other social associations & activities - any less Ainu.<ref name=watson80/> While Ainu in Hokkaidô continue to face numerous serious challenges, and while issues of colonialism, displacement, and dispossession remain serious and worthy of both political and academic attention, scholars such as Mark Watson argue that a truer appreciation of Ainu identity, livelihood, and culture in the 20th-21st centuries requires attention to the "diaspora" as well. Considering the Ainu people in this way also means not dismissing Ainu issues as being only of local concern (i.e. in Hokkaidô), and seeing them instead as being of national, or even international, importance.<ref name=watson69>Watson, 69-71.</ref>

As is the case for many indigenous peoples around the world, Ainu struggle with others' assumptions that indigenous identity is situated exclusively in a given space (Hokkaidô) and time (pre-modern/primitive), such that Ainu identity would be antithetical to modern or cosmopolitan life. As Watson writes, "Ainu, it is assumed, would not survive or ... would not want to survive ''as Ainu'' in the city" (italics added).<ref name=watson69/> Indeed, Ainu living outside of Hokkaidô are legally regarded no differently from Wajin (Japanese), and receive no special privileges, benefits, or indigenous rights. They are ineligible for membership in the Hokkaidô Utari Kyôkai (the largest Ainu association), and are thus omitted from surveys and studies on Ainu socio-economic conditions. Similarly, only Ainu living in Hokkaidô receive benefits from the Hokkaidô Utari Welfare Countermeasures welfare scheme, first enacted in 1974.<ref name=watson79/>

As is the case for many indigenous peoples around the world, Ainu struggle with others' assumptions that indigenous identity is situated exclusively in a given space (Hokkaidô) and time (pre-modern/primitive), such that Ainu identity would be antithetical to modern or cosmopolitan life. As Watson writes, "Ainu, it is assumed, would not survive or ... would not want to survive ''as Ainu'' in the city" (italics added).<ref name=watson69/> Indeed, Ainu living outside of Hokkaidô are legally regarded no differently from Wajin (Japanese), and receive no special privileges, benefits, or indigenous rights. They are ineligible for membership in the Hokkaidô Utari Kyôkai (the largest Ainu association), and are thus omitted from surveys and studies on Ainu socio-economic conditions. Similarly, only Ainu living in Hokkaidô receive benefits from the Hokkaidô Utari Welfare Countermeasures welfare scheme, first enacted in 1974.<ref name=watson79/>