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==Lê Dynasty==
 
==Lê Dynasty==
 
Renewed independence from the Ming marked the beginning of the Lê Dynasty, which lasted from 1428 until [[1788]]. Still, in contrast to the Ly-Tran eras which came before, the Lê dynasty was comparatively Sinic, or Sinophilic, in its political cultural leanings. Vietnam remained a loyal tributary to the Ming, and later the Qing, however, for the remainder of the early modern period. Vietnamese officials were thus regularly seen in [[Beijing]], and a small number of young Vietnamese scholar-bureaucrats studied at Beijing's [[National Academy]], alongside Korean, Ryûkyûan, and mostly Chinese students.
 
Renewed independence from the Ming marked the beginning of the Lê Dynasty, which lasted from 1428 until [[1788]]. Still, in contrast to the Ly-Tran eras which came before, the Lê dynasty was comparatively Sinic, or Sinophilic, in its political cultural leanings. Vietnam remained a loyal tributary to the Ming, and later the Qing, however, for the remainder of the early modern period. Vietnamese officials were thus regularly seen in [[Beijing]], and a small number of young Vietnamese scholar-bureaucrats studied at Beijing's [[National Academy]], alongside Korean, Ryûkyûan, and mostly Chinese students.
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The Lê Dynasty, along with the Nguyễn Dynasty which followed, observed a stance of ''trong de ngoai vuong'' - literally, "inside emperor, outside king" - in its interactions with China. Each Vietnamese ruler's first act was typically to declare himself emperor, and his second, to seek investiture as "king" from China. In a sense, this resembles the [[omote and uchi|''omote'' and ''uchi'']] pattern of domestic politics in [[Edo period|Tokugawa Japan]], in which ''daimyô'' considered themselves near-sovereign within their respective "countries," but when interacting with Tokugawa authorities, were merely loyal vassals, retainers, invested in their feudal holdings. Sino-Vietnamese relations during the Ming and Qing dynasties were also characterized by a relationship as unequal empires, with the Chinese emphasizing that the two were "unequal," and the Vietnamese emphasizing that they were both "empires." Vietnamese rulers also asserted their independence, even as they continued to pay tribute & to receive investiture, by occasionally having their envoys refuse to perform the full [[kowtow]]; when China demanded the king then appear at the Chinese capital in person to personally express his apologies, the Vietnamese ruler almost without exception refused. The only time a ruler of Vietnam visited China was in [[1790]], and even then, Vietnamese records claim that he did not travel there, but sent a double. Similarly, when Chinese envoys traveled to Vietnam, Chinese protocol dictated that the Imperial envoy sit facing south, with the Vietnamese king in the subordinate southerly position; with the exception of only one occasion, Vietnamese rulers insisted on instead sitting facing east and west, a position of equality with the Chinese envoy.<ref>Vuving, 81-82.</ref>
    
===Nguyễn & Trinh===
 
===Nguyễn & Trinh===
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The [[Sino-French War]] ended in [[1885]] in French victory, and China was forced to renounce any claims to Vietnam.
 
The [[Sino-French War]] ended in [[1885]] in French victory, and China was forced to renounce any claims to Vietnam.
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In the modern era, Marxist-Leninist communism took root in Vietnam, as the socialist movement there tied its ideologies into rhetoric of national liberation and opposition to imperialism. They posited Vietnam as the "outpost of socialism in Southeast Asia," and the "spearhead of the world national liberation movement," declaring the world to be divided between the socialist democracies, led by the USSR, and the capitalist imperialists, led by the United States. Vietnamese socialist ideology, borrowed from that of Soviet Russia, identified four conflicts in the world: those between the socialist countries and the capitalist system; between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat; between imperialism and colonial & dependent states; and between the various imperialist countries. It also identified three chief revolutionary forces in the world: the world socialist system within the socialist countries, the socialist movements within the capitalist/imperialist countries, and the national liberation movement.<ref>Vuving, 84.</ref>
    
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