Changes

The population of China roughly doubled over the course of the 18th century alone, from roughly 150 million in 1700 to around 300 million by 1800;<ref>Lloyd Eastman, ''Family, Fields, and Ancestors: Constancy and Change in China's Social and Economic History, 1550-1949'', Oxford University Press (1988), 3-4.</ref> the population roughly tripled over the course of the Qing Dynasty taken as a whole, going from roughly 125-150 million at the beginning of the period in 1644, to around 400-450 million in the 19th century.<ref>Benjamin Elman, ''A Cultural History of Civil Examinations in Late Imperial China'', University of California Press (2000), 130.</ref> By the 19th century, there were roughly six times as many farming families in China as in the 14th century. This dramatic population growth was supported in large part, as it was through the Ming Dynasty, by considerable increases in the food supply. In the Qing Dynasty, this came chiefly from expansion of the amount of land under cultivation, and from improvements in fertilizer, irrigation, and strains of plants. The introduction in the late Ming of new crops from the Americas, including maize, sweet potatoes, and peanuts, also contributed to the expansion of the food supply;<ref name=craig101>Craig, 101-103.</ref> since many of these crops could be grown in places and soil types unsuitable for more traditional crops, they did not displace more traditional crops, but truly supplemented them. The expansion of the amount of land under cultivation also contributed significantly to supporting population growth.<ref>Eastman, 7-8.</ref> The implementation of a smallpox vaccine in the 16th century (during the Ming Dynasty), along with a number of other developments contributing to a decline in the mortality rate, likely also were key elements in this unprecedented demographic growth. Some scholars, noting similar demographic trends in other parts of the world simultaneously, have suggested that climactic variations, including the end of the Little Ice Age, may have played a significant role as well.<ref>Eastman, 5-6.</ref> Policies of the Kangxi Emperor, implemented in the last years of his reign, however, hampered the Court's ability to have this demographic expansion correspond to increases in tax revenues; possibly believing that population growth in and of itself constituted "prosperity," Kangxi aimed to encourage further population growth by terminating the poll tax. However, since no new land surveys had been done in a comprehensive manner since the [[Wanli Emperor|Wanli]] reign, this now meant that taxes were based on both population figures and land surveys of the past, and would not capture any growth in population or productivity, but would simply remain static. Later reigns had considerable difficulties as a result, as they sought to manage the state's finances.<ref>Spence, 73.</ref>

The population of China roughly doubled over the course of the 18th century alone, from roughly 150 million in 1700 to around 300 million by 1800;<ref>Lloyd Eastman, ''Family, Fields, and Ancestors: Constancy and Change in China's Social and Economic History, 1550-1949'', Oxford University Press (1988), 3-4.</ref> the population roughly tripled over the course of the Qing Dynasty taken as a whole, going from roughly 125-150 million at the beginning of the period in 1644, to around 400-450 million in the 19th century.<ref>Benjamin Elman, ''A Cultural History of Civil Examinations in Late Imperial China'', University of California Press (2000), 130.</ref> By the 19th century, there were roughly six times as many farming families in China as in the 14th century. This dramatic population growth was supported in large part, as it was through the Ming Dynasty, by considerable increases in the food supply. In the Qing Dynasty, this came chiefly from expansion of the amount of land under cultivation, and from improvements in fertilizer, irrigation, and strains of plants. The introduction in the late Ming of new crops from the Americas, including maize, sweet potatoes, and peanuts, also contributed to the expansion of the food supply;<ref name=craig101>Craig, 101-103.</ref> since many of these crops could be grown in places and soil types unsuitable for more traditional crops, they did not displace more traditional crops, but truly supplemented them. The expansion of the amount of land under cultivation also contributed significantly to supporting population growth.<ref>Eastman, 7-8.</ref> The implementation of a smallpox vaccine in the 16th century (during the Ming Dynasty), along with a number of other developments contributing to a decline in the mortality rate, likely also were key elements in this unprecedented demographic growth. Some scholars, noting similar demographic trends in other parts of the world simultaneously, have suggested that climactic variations, including the end of the Little Ice Age, may have played a significant role as well.<ref>Eastman, 5-6.</ref> Policies of the Kangxi Emperor, implemented in the last years of his reign, however, hampered the Court's ability to have this demographic expansion correspond to increases in tax revenues; possibly believing that population growth in and of itself constituted "prosperity," Kangxi aimed to encourage further population growth by terminating the poll tax. However, since no new land surveys had been done in a comprehensive manner since the [[Wanli Emperor|Wanli]] reign, this now meant that taxes were based on both population figures and land surveys of the past, and would not capture any growth in population or productivity, but would simply remain static. Later reigns had considerable difficulties as a result, as they sought to manage the state's finances.<ref>Spence, 73.</ref>

The Jiangnan region (south of the Yangzi, and including the cities of [[Hangzhou]], [[Suzhou]], and [[Shanghai]]) continued to grow increasingly densely populated and urbanized over the course of the period. The vast majority of the agricultural land in the region was used for growing cash crops such as silk and cotton, and by the beginning of the 19th century, the region needed to import food in considerable quantities in order to support itself.<ref name=craig101/>

 

The Jiangnan region (south of the Yangzi, and including the cities of [[Hangzhou]], [[Suzhou]], and [[Shanghai]]) continued to grow increasingly densely populated and urbanized over the course of the period. The vast majority of the agricultural land in the region was used for growing cash crops such as [[silk]] and [[cotton]], and by the beginning of the 19th century, the region needed to import food in considerable quantities in order to support itself.<ref name=craig101/>

Population pressure within the southeastern coastal regions, along with other factors, spurred many people to move elsewhere, and much of western China became significantly more densely settled, and developed, in this period. For some, the Qing Court provided official incentives and rewards; regardless, in many areas, local landlords provided aid to new settlers, helping them obtain land, providing them with seed and livestock, and so on. In many of these areas, slash-and-burn agriculture initially led to the devastation of much otherwise fertile soil, but as settlement became more well-established, these frontier areas came to reliably supply a variety of products, including [[tea]], ramie, timber, grain, [[copper]], wool, leather, gypsum, and furs, to other parts of the country (especially to the urban areas of the southeastern coast). In many areas, settlers had to band together not only for success in developing the land, but also in defending their settlements from indigenous or minority ethnic peoples who reacted negatively, even violently, to the influx of outsiders into their lands.<ref>Eastman, 12-14.</ref>

Population pressure within the southeastern coastal regions, along with other factors, spurred many people to move elsewhere, and much of western China became significantly more densely settled, and developed, in this period. For some, the Qing Court provided official incentives and rewards; regardless, in many areas, local landlords provided aid to new settlers, helping them obtain land, providing them with seed and livestock, and so on. In many of these areas, slash-and-burn agriculture initially led to the devastation of much otherwise fertile soil, but as settlement became more well-established, these frontier areas came to reliably supply a variety of products, including [[tea]], ramie, timber, grain, [[copper]], wool, leather, gypsum, and furs, to other parts of the country (especially to the urban areas of the southeastern coast). In many areas, settlers had to band together not only for success in developing the land, but also in defending their settlements from indigenous or minority ethnic peoples who reacted negatively, even violently, to the influx of outsiders into their lands.<ref>Eastman, 12-14.</ref>

Throughout much of the Qing Dynasty, Chinese tea, silk, and [[porcelain]] were in high demand both within East Asia and among European markets. Europeans did not discover the techniques for producing porcelain themselves until the 18th century. Tea + silk constituted at least 50% of Chinese exports throughout the 19th century, peaking as high as 92% in 1842 and 93.5% in 1868, though this figure fell to 64.5% in 1890, just before the turn of the century. At least 40% of tea production in China was for export, and 50-70% of silk production, all the way to the 1920s. Jumping ahead to the 20th century, the loss of foreign markets in the 1930s through 1940s (and into the PRC era) thus deprived "countless thousands of Chinese peasants" of their livelihoods.<ref name=esherick>Joseph Esherick, "Harvard on China: The Apologetics of Imperialism." ''Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars'' 4:4 (1972), 10.</ref>

Throughout much of the Qing Dynasty, Chinese tea, silk, and [[porcelain]] were in high demand both within East Asia and among European markets. Europeans did not discover the techniques for producing porcelain themselves until the 18th century. Tea + silk constituted at least 50% of Chinese exports throughout the 19th century, peaking as high as 92% in 1842 and 93.5% in 1868, though this figure fell to 64.5% in 1890, just before the turn of the century. At least 40% of tea production in China was for export, and 50-70% of silk production, all the way to the 1920s. Jumping ahead to the 20th century, the loss of foreign markets in the 1930s through 1940s (and into the PRC era) thus deprived "countless thousands of Chinese peasants" of their livelihoods.<ref name=esherick>Joseph Esherick, "Harvard on China: The Apologetics of Imperialism." ''Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars'' 4:4 (1972), 10.</ref>

However, in return, the Chinese demanded chiefly precious metals as payment, insisting they had little need or desire for European goods. The Chinese had their own silver mines in [[Guizhou province|Guizhou]] and [[Yunnan province]]s, and opened new copper mines in the 18th century after Japanese exports of copper decreased dramatically, and of silver all but ceased entirely.<ref>In particular, expanding copper mining in Yunnan, where by the year 1800, some 500,000 people were involved in mining work, and in West Borneo and Vietnam, where, as of the 1760s, taxes on Chinese mines accounted for roughly half the annual income of the [[Trinh lords]] of [[Tonkin]]. Robert Hellyer, Defining Engagement, Harvard University Press (2009), 78-79.</ref> Further influxes of precious metals from overseas were still necessary, however, in order to fuel China's still-growing economy. With the chief sources of precious metals in the New World controlled by the Spanish & Portuguese, and Japanese mines - the most significant other source of silver in the world at the time - running dry midway through the 18th century, European powers sought alternative ways to access Chinese goods. The [[British East India Company]] initially expanded their trade networks in maritime Southeast Asia, obtaining marine products, tin, spices, and other luxury goods to sell at [[Canton]] (Guangzhou) as an alternative to payment in silver or gold,<ref>Hellyer, 83.</ref> but eventually turned to pushing [[opium]] upon the Chinese merchants. This quickly turned into a serious problem for the Chinese government, and society, as opium addiction ran rampant. The efforts of Canton Imperial Port Commissioner [[Lin Zexu]] to stem the tide, by collecting and destroying several million pounds of opium in the port, led to the outbreak of the [[Opium War]] in [[1840]], which is often cited as marking the beginning of the end for the Qing Dynasty. The war ended in a decisive British victory, and in the Qing Court being forced to grant numerous concessions to the British, including opening more ports to trade, granting rights of [[extraterritoriality]] to British subjects in China, paying the British Crown several million silver dollars in reparations, and ceding [[Hong Kong]] to the United Kingdom entirely. A [[Second Opium War]] would follow, in [[1856]]-[[1860]]. As late as 1870, opium still constituted 43% of China's imports, and until 1890, it remained the largest single import product in China.<ref name=esherick/>

However, in return, the Chinese demanded chiefly precious metals as payment, insisting they had little need or desire for European goods. The Chinese had their own silver mines in [[Guizhou province|Guizhou]] and [[Yunnan province]]s, and opened new copper mines in the 18th century after Japanese exports of copper decreased dramatically, and of silver all but ceased entirely.<ref>In particular, expanding copper mining in Yunnan, where by the year 1800, some 500,000 people were involved in mining work, and in West Borneo and Vietnam, where, as of the 1760s, taxes on Chinese mines accounted for roughly half the annual income of the [[Trinh lords]] of [[Tonkin]]. Robert Hellyer, Defining Engagement, Harvard University Press (2009), 78-79.</ref> Further influxes of precious metals from overseas were still necessary, however, in order to fuel China's still-growing economy. With the chief sources of precious metals in the New World controlled by the Spanish & Portuguese, and Japanese mines - the most significant other source of silver in the world at the time - running dry midway through the 18th century, European powers sought alternative ways to access Chinese goods. The [[British East India Company]] initially expanded their trade networks in maritime Southeast Asia, obtaining marine products, tin, spices, and other luxury goods to sell at [[Canton]] (Guangzhou) as an alternative to payment in silver or gold,<ref>Hellyer, 83.</ref> but eventually turned to pushing [[opium]] upon the Chinese merchants. This quickly turned into a serious problem for the Chinese government, and society, as opium addiction ran rampant. The efforts of Canton Imperial Port Commissioner [[Lin Zexu]] to stem the tide, by collecting and destroying several million pounds of opium in the port, led to the outbreak of the [[Opium War]] in [[1840]], which is often cited as marking the beginning of the end for the Qing Dynasty. The war ended in a decisive British victory, and in the Qing Court being forced to grant numerous concessions to the British, including opening more ports to trade, granting rights of [[extraterritoriality]] to British subjects in China, paying the British Crown several million silver dollars in reparations, and ceding [[Hong Kong]] to the United Kingdom entirely. A [[Second Opium War]] would follow, in [[1856]]-[[1860]]. As late as 1870, opium still constituted 43% of China's imports, and until 1890, it remained the largest single import product in China.<ref name=esherick/>

==Arts & Culture==

==Arts & Culture==