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The feudal domains (''[[han]]'') were [[abolition of the han|abolished]] in 1871, and the [[provinces of Japan|provinces]] reorganized into [[prefectures of Japan|prefectures]]; though the precise names and borders of the prefectures fluctuated for some time, by the late 1880s they had settled down into the 47 prefectures which remain today. This came after [[Choshu han|Chôshû]], [[Satsuma han|Satsuma]], [[Tosa han|Tosa]], and [[Kumamoto han|Kumamoto (Higo)]] petitioned the government in [[1869]]/1 to return their fiefs to the Emperor. As the remainder of the former ''daimyô'' gave back their lands to the Imperial institution, the central government also took control of most of the country's [[castles]]. Many were demolished at this time. Some were turned over to governmental or military purposes. Many former ''daimyô'' clans relocated to secondary residences, turning these into primary family mansions; the [[Hotta mansion]] which survives in [[Sakura (city)|Sakura]], [[Chiba prefecture]], and the Shimazu clan's Iso mansion at [[Sengan'en]] in [[Kagoshima]] are examples of this. Many [[daimyo yashiki|domain mansions]] in [[Edo]], [[Kyoto]], and [[Osaka]], though not seized by the government, were abandoned or sold. The existence of so many large compounds, now able to be turned over to other purposes, proved a boon to the development of these modern cities, as many were converted into public schools, government buildings, public parks, and the like.
 
The feudal domains (''[[han]]'') were [[abolition of the han|abolished]] in 1871, and the [[provinces of Japan|provinces]] reorganized into [[prefectures of Japan|prefectures]]; though the precise names and borders of the prefectures fluctuated for some time, by the late 1880s they had settled down into the 47 prefectures which remain today. This came after [[Choshu han|Chôshû]], [[Satsuma han|Satsuma]], [[Tosa han|Tosa]], and [[Kumamoto han|Kumamoto (Higo)]] petitioned the government in [[1869]]/1 to return their fiefs to the Emperor. As the remainder of the former ''daimyô'' gave back their lands to the Imperial institution, the central government also took control of most of the country's [[castles]]. Many were demolished at this time. Some were turned over to governmental or military purposes. Many former ''daimyô'' clans relocated to secondary residences, turning these into primary family mansions; the [[Hotta mansion]] which survives in [[Sakura (city)|Sakura]], [[Chiba prefecture]], and the Shimazu clan's Iso mansion at [[Sengan'en]] in [[Kagoshima]] are examples of this. Many [[daimyo yashiki|domain mansions]] in [[Edo]], [[Kyoto]], and [[Osaka]], though not seized by the government, were abandoned or sold. The existence of so many large compounds, now able to be turned over to other purposes, proved a boon to the development of these modern cities, as many were converted into public schools, government buildings, public parks, and the like.
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*Genro, etc.
      
A number of the chief government officials took part in a two-year [[Iwakura Mission|mission]] led by [[Iwakura Tomomi]] in [[1871]]-[[1873]], in which they toured the United States and a number of European countries, in order to learn about Western modes of government, industry, and education, among other fields, and to consider which to potentially implement in Japan.<ref>Schirokauer, et al, 171.</ref>
 
A number of the chief government officials took part in a two-year [[Iwakura Mission|mission]] led by [[Iwakura Tomomi]] in [[1871]]-[[1873]], in which they toured the United States and a number of European countries, in order to learn about Western modes of government, industry, and education, among other fields, and to consider which to potentially implement in Japan.<ref>Schirokauer, et al, 171.</ref>
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Everyday culture changed dramatically, from food to fashion to architecture, as Western styles were adopted. Much was retained, of course, or evolved into new modern forms without being discarded entirely; still, modernity came quickly, especially in the big cities, in these respects.
 
Everyday culture changed dramatically, from food to fashion to architecture, as Western styles were adopted. Much was retained, of course, or evolved into new modern forms without being discarded entirely; still, modernity came quickly, especially in the big cities, in these respects.
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A national culture was born for the first time. Public education, nationwide newspapers, and the abolition of the feudal system & centralization of government under Tokyo, along with numerous other factors fueled the development of a single national culture. Regional culture was celebrated, but it was also suppressed. The government promoted, as it still does today, the distinctive sights and scenery of each region, and regional products (''[[meibutsu]]'', e.g. [[Aomori prefecture|Aomori]] apples and [[Kagawa prefecture|Kagawa]] [[udon]]). But, it also promoted the idea that provincial dialects, and many other aspects of regional culture, were backwards, and un-modern. Through a singular nationwide public education curriculum and other methods, the government encouraged the development of a singular, modern, national culture and identity.
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A national culture was born for the first time. Public education, nationwide newspapers, and the abolition of the feudal system & centralization of government under Tokyo, along with numerous other factors fueled the development of a single national culture. Regional culture was celebrated, but it was also suppressed. The government promoted, as it still does today, the distinctive sights and scenery of each region, and regional products (''[[meibutsu]]'', e.g. [[Aomori prefecture|Aomori]] apples and [[Kagawa prefecture|Kagawa]] [[udon]]). But, it also promoted the idea that provincial dialects, and many other aspects of regional culture, were backwards, and un-modern. Through a singular nationwide public education curriculum and other methods, the government encouraged the development of a singular, modern, national culture and identity. That said, while conventional understandings frequently link this to the emergence, too, of a notion of Japan as ethnically homogeneous, Eiji Ôguma has demonstrated that the singular dominance of this idea was actually a postwar development, and that in fact a number of different notions about Japanese multi-racial identity came in and out of currency over the course of the Meiji period through the early 1940s, alongside ideas of homogeneity. One such notion, drawing upon broader Western or global notions at the time regarding race, was that the Japanese people had mixed with many other peoples over the course of history, thus developing better racial traits (through mixing with a larger gene pool, in contrast to inbreeding).<ref>See Eiji Oguma, ''A Genealogy of Japanese Self-Images'', Melbourne: Trans-Pacific Press, 2002, as cited in Gregory Smits, "Rethinking Ryukyu," ''International Journal of Okinawan Studies'' 6:1 (2015), 3, 17n10.</ref>
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In response to this, however, a number of scholars, writers, and artists perceived the loss of regional folk traditions as an existential threat to Japanese identity. They argued that Japanese identity was grounded fundamentally in folk traditions, including especially folk arts (''[[mingei]]'') such as pottery and textiles, and that this was being actively destroyed by the nationalization and modernization efforts; as Japan modernized, they found in [[Hokkaido|Hokkaidô]], [[Okinawa]], [[Colonial Korea|Korea]], and [[Taiwan]] what they claimed was an earlier, truer form of Japanese culture, which was being lost and which needed to be recovered. While their efforts certainly did serve to revive or preserve many folk traditions which might otherwise have been lost, it is important to note that the ''Mingei'' movement was not in fact rescuing these traditions as they truly had been in ages past, but rather was re-inventing, re-conceptualizing these arts; the ''Mingei'' vision of Japanese culture, history, and identity was an invented tradition<ref>Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger. ''The Invention of Tradition''. Cambridge University Press, 2012.</ref> no less so than the more official and mainstream efforts to promote National arts.
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In response to this emphasis on a singular national culture, however, a number of scholars, writers, and artists perceived the loss of regional folk traditions as an existential threat to Japanese identity. They argued that Japanese identity was grounded fundamentally in folk traditions, including especially folk arts (''[[mingei]]'') such as pottery and textiles, and that this was being actively destroyed by the nationalization and modernization efforts; as Japan modernized, they found in [[Hokkaido|Hokkaidô]], [[Okinawa]], [[Colonial Korea|Korea]], and [[Taiwan]] what they claimed was an earlier, truer form of Japanese culture, which was being lost and which needed to be recovered. While their efforts certainly did serve to revive or preserve many folk traditions which might otherwise have been lost, it is important to note that the ''Mingei'' movement was not in fact rescuing these traditions as they truly had been in ages past, but rather was re-inventing, re-conceptualizing these arts; the ''Mingei'' vision of Japanese culture, history, and identity was an invented tradition<ref>Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger. ''The Invention of Tradition''. Cambridge University Press, 2012.</ref> no less so than the more official and mainstream efforts to promote National arts.
    
Through participation in [[World's Fairs]], the establishment of [[Tokyo National Museum|Imperial (National) Museums]] in the 1880s, the establishment of a system of [[National Treasures]], and the promotion of particular art forms, among other means, the government worked to prove to the Japanese people, and to the world, that Japan was modern, civilized, and possessed just as worthy a tradition and history as any other great nation. Many new art forms, such as ''[[Nihonga]]'' (neo-traditional painting) and ''[[yoga|yôga]]'' (Western-style oil painting), the novel & other forms of "modern" literature, and [[shinpa|new forms of theatre]], were born out of this, while many older art forms, such as [[Noh]], [[kabuki]], [[shamisen]] and other forms of traditional [[music]], [[nihon buyo|Japanese dance]], and [[tea ceremony]], were formalized or re-invented as "national traditions." Others, such as ''[[ukiyo-e]]'', simply continued along, changing and developing but not being re-conceptualized entirely. Artists such as [[Kobayashi Kiyochika]] designed ''ukiyo-e'' propaganda prints which served to report on national events, such as the promulgation of the Constitution, and the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese Wars. By the end of the period, however, ''ukiyo-e'' had fallen away, and had been replaced by modern print forms such as ''[[shin hanga]]'' ("new prints") and ''[[sosaku hanga|sôsaku hanga]]'' ("creative prints"). Photography, postcards, newspapers, and a variety of other modern arts & cultural forms also developed and became widespread in the Meiji period.
 
Through participation in [[World's Fairs]], the establishment of [[Tokyo National Museum|Imperial (National) Museums]] in the 1880s, the establishment of a system of [[National Treasures]], and the promotion of particular art forms, among other means, the government worked to prove to the Japanese people, and to the world, that Japan was modern, civilized, and possessed just as worthy a tradition and history as any other great nation. Many new art forms, such as ''[[Nihonga]]'' (neo-traditional painting) and ''[[yoga|yôga]]'' (Western-style oil painting), the novel & other forms of "modern" literature, and [[shinpa|new forms of theatre]], were born out of this, while many older art forms, such as [[Noh]], [[kabuki]], [[shamisen]] and other forms of traditional [[music]], [[nihon buyo|Japanese dance]], and [[tea ceremony]], were formalized or re-invented as "national traditions." Others, such as ''[[ukiyo-e]]'', simply continued along, changing and developing but not being re-conceptualized entirely. Artists such as [[Kobayashi Kiyochika]] designed ''ukiyo-e'' propaganda prints which served to report on national events, such as the promulgation of the Constitution, and the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese Wars. By the end of the period, however, ''ukiyo-e'' had fallen away, and had been replaced by modern print forms such as ''[[shin hanga]]'' ("new prints") and ''[[sosaku hanga|sôsaku hanga]]'' ("creative prints"). Photography, postcards, newspapers, and a variety of other modern arts & cultural forms also developed and became widespread in the Meiji period.
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"Modern" academic disciplines such as archaeology, anthropology, medicine, and hard sciences also got their starts in Japan at this time. This came partially from visiting Westerners, and partially from ''[[Rangaku]]'' scholars and other Japanese. [[Tsuboi Shogoro|Tsuboi Shôgorô]] pioneered anthropological studies of the [[Ainu]], helped found the Tokyo Anthropological Society, and played a role in the first ever discovery of [[Yayoi period]] remains. The discovery of the [[Omori shellmound|Ômori shellmound]] by [[Edward Sylvester Morse]] was also a significant development in the origins of archaeology in Japan.
 
"Modern" academic disciplines such as archaeology, anthropology, medicine, and hard sciences also got their starts in Japan at this time. This came partially from visiting Westerners, and partially from ''[[Rangaku]]'' scholars and other Japanese. [[Tsuboi Shogoro|Tsuboi Shôgorô]] pioneered anthropological studies of the [[Ainu]], helped found the Tokyo Anthropological Society, and played a role in the first ever discovery of [[Yayoi period]] remains. The discovery of the [[Omori shellmound|Ômori shellmound]] by [[Edward Sylvester Morse]] was also a significant development in the origins of archaeology in Japan.
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Western-style clothing was mandated for most government workers in the mid-1880s. Western fashion had spread and grown quite common in urban centers by this time (especially among men), though traditional clothing would remain widely worn (especially by women) well into the 20th century. Sewing machines were first introduced into Japan in the 1870s, but by the mid-1880s, tailors and seamstresses making use of such equipment were more widespread.<ref>"Adachi Ginkô, Ladies Sewing," gallery labels, Metropolitan Museum.[https://www.flickr.com/photos/toranosuke/16212939320/in/dateposted-public/]</ref>
    
[[File:Heian-gate.jpg|right|thumb|320px|The main gate to [[Heian Shrine]], established [[1895]], but based on the architectural style of the [[Kyoto Imperial Palace|Heian Imperial Palace]] of the 8th-12th centuries.]]
 
[[File:Heian-gate.jpg|right|thumb|320px|The main gate to [[Heian Shrine]], established [[1895]], but based on the architectural style of the [[Kyoto Imperial Palace|Heian Imperial Palace]] of the 8th-12th centuries.]]
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History was also reconceptualized at this time, as Meiji discourse constructed a "national" history, one in which "Japan" had always existed as a single unit under an unbroken line of Emperors, and in which the Tokugawa period was repressive and backwards, and the Meiji period one of progress and modernity. In the course of writing this history, numerous terms were either coined anew, or appropriated from the Chinese classics, and applied retroactively, anachronistically, to the past. It was in these histories that the feudal domains of the Edo period were first called ''[[han]]'',<ref>Mark Ravina, ''Land and Lordship in Early Modern Japan'', Stanford University Press (1999), 28.</ref> that the emperors were for the first time invariably called ''tennô''<ref>In actual historical usage, the term ''tennô'' fell in and out of usage over the centuries.; Shillony, 69-71.</ref>, and that the term ''bakufu'' (lit. "tent government") was adopted as the chief, standard term for the three [[bakufu|shogunates]].<ref>Watanabe Hiroshi, Luke Roberts (trans.), "About Some Japanese Historical Terms," ''Sino-Japanese Studies'' 10:2 (1998), 32-35.</ref>  
 
History was also reconceptualized at this time, as Meiji discourse constructed a "national" history, one in which "Japan" had always existed as a single unit under an unbroken line of Emperors, and in which the Tokugawa period was repressive and backwards, and the Meiji period one of progress and modernity. In the course of writing this history, numerous terms were either coined anew, or appropriated from the Chinese classics, and applied retroactively, anachronistically, to the past. It was in these histories that the feudal domains of the Edo period were first called ''[[han]]'',<ref>Mark Ravina, ''Land and Lordship in Early Modern Japan'', Stanford University Press (1999), 28.</ref> that the emperors were for the first time invariably called ''tennô''<ref>In actual historical usage, the term ''tennô'' fell in and out of usage over the centuries.; Shillony, 69-71.</ref>, and that the term ''bakufu'' (lit. "tent government") was adopted as the chief, standard term for the three [[bakufu|shogunates]].<ref>Watanabe Hiroshi, Luke Roberts (trans.), "About Some Japanese Historical Terms," ''Sino-Japanese Studies'' 10:2 (1998), 32-35.</ref>  
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==References==
 
==References==
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