Changes

The feudal domains (''[[han]]'') were [[abolition of the han|abolished]] in 1871, and the [[provinces of Japan|provinces]] reorganized into [[prefectures of Japan|prefectures]]; though the precise names and borders of the prefectures fluctuated for some time, by the late 1880s they had settled down into the 47 prefectures which remain today. This came after [[Choshu han|Chôshû]], [[Satsuma han|Satsuma]], [[Tosa han|Tosa]], and [[Kumamoto han|Kumamoto (Higo)]] petitioned the government in [[1869]]/1 to return their fiefs to the Emperor. As the remainder of the former ''daimyô'' gave back their lands to the Imperial institution, the central government also took control of most of the country's [[castles]]. Many were demolished at this time. Some were turned over to governmental or military purposes. Many former ''daimyô'' clans relocated to secondary residences, turning these into primary family mansions; the [[Hotta mansion]] which survives in [[Sakura (city)|Sakura]], [[Chiba prefecture]], and the Shimazu clan's Iso mansion at [[Sengan'en]] in [[Kagoshima]] are examples of this. Many [[daimyo yashiki|domain mansions]] in [[Edo]], [[Kyoto]], and [[Osaka]], though not seized by the government, were abandoned or sold. The existence of so many large compounds, now able to be turned over to other purposes, proved a boon to the development of these modern cities, as many were converted into public schools, government buildings, public parks, and the like.

The feudal domains (''[[han]]'') were [[abolition of the han|abolished]] in 1871, and the [[provinces of Japan|provinces]] reorganized into [[prefectures of Japan|prefectures]]; though the precise names and borders of the prefectures fluctuated for some time, by the late 1880s they had settled down into the 47 prefectures which remain today. This came after [[Choshu han|Chôshû]], [[Satsuma han|Satsuma]], [[Tosa han|Tosa]], and [[Kumamoto han|Kumamoto (Higo)]] petitioned the government in [[1869]]/1 to return their fiefs to the Emperor. As the remainder of the former ''daimyô'' gave back their lands to the Imperial institution, the central government also took control of most of the country's [[castles]]. Many were demolished at this time. Some were turned over to governmental or military purposes. Many former ''daimyô'' clans relocated to secondary residences, turning these into primary family mansions; the [[Hotta mansion]] which survives in [[Sakura (city)|Sakura]], [[Chiba prefecture]], and the Shimazu clan's Iso mansion at [[Sengan'en]] in [[Kagoshima]] are examples of this. Many [[daimyo yashiki|domain mansions]] in [[Edo]], [[Kyoto]], and [[Osaka]], though not seized by the government, were abandoned or sold. The existence of so many large compounds, now able to be turned over to other purposes, proved a boon to the development of these modern cities, as many were converted into public schools, government buildings, public parks, and the like.

A number of the chief government officials took part in a two-year [[Iwakura Mission|mission]] led by [[Iwakura Tomomi]] in [[1871]]-[[1873]], in which they toured the United States and a number of European countries, in order to learn about Western modes of government, industry, and education, among other fields, and to consider which to potentially implement in Japan.<ref>Schirokauer, et al, 171.</ref>

 

A number of the chief government officials took part in a two-year [[Iwakura Mission|mission]] in [[1871]]-[[1873]], in which they toured the United States and a number of European countries, in order to learn about Western modes of government, industry, and education, among other fields, and to consider which to potentially implement in Japan.<ref>Schirokauer, et al, 171.</ref>

[[File:Yoshitoshi-kumamoto.jpg|center|thumb|800px|"Battle before [[Kumamoto castle]]," by [[Tsukioka Yoshitoshi]], [[1877]], depicting one key battle of the 1877 [[Satsuma Rebellion]]. Los Angeles County Museum of Art.]]

[[File:Yoshitoshi-kumamoto.jpg|center|thumb|800px|"Battle before [[Kumamoto castle]]," by [[Tsukioka Yoshitoshi]], [[1877]], depicting one key battle of the 1877 [[Satsuma Rebellion]]. Los Angeles County Museum of Art.]]

The abolition of the domains had numerous political repercussions, but in terms of foreign relations, one of the most major was that this also severed the traditional relationship between the [[Joseon Dynasty]] Korean royal court, and the [[So clan|Sô]] samurai clan of [[Tsushima han|Tsushima]]. For centuries, the Korean king had considered the Sô his vassal, and all formal diplomatic and trade relations between Korea and Japan were handled via the Sô. The toppling of the Tokugawa order, removing the Sô from their domain of Tsushima, also removed them, unilaterally, from their vassalage to the Korean king. The Korean court protested against this by refusing to engage in formal relations with the Meiji government. Japanese frustrations at attempting to re-establish relations culminated in a [[1873]] debate known as the ''[[Seikanron]]'' (lit. "debate on invading Korea"). [[Saigo Takamori|Saigô Takamori]], among others, took a militarist view, and sought to launch a punitive mission, militarily invading the peninsula in order to punish the Koreans for daring to be so stubborn. This debate ultimately ended with the anti-invasion faction winning out, and Saigô angrily quitting the government, to return to [[Kagoshima]], where he would later lead a rebellion against the very same government he had helped to establish.

The abolition of the domains had numerous political repercussions, but in terms of foreign relations, one of the most major was that this also severed the traditional relationship between the [[Joseon Dynasty]] Korean royal court, and the [[So clan|Sô]] samurai clan of [[Tsushima han|Tsushima]]. For centuries, the Korean king had considered the Sô his vassal, and all formal diplomatic and trade relations between Korea and Japan were handled via the Sô. The toppling of the Tokugawa order, removing the Sô from their domain of Tsushima, also removed them, unilaterally, from their vassalage to the Korean king. The Korean court protested against this by refusing to engage in formal relations with the Meiji government. Japanese frustrations at attempting to re-establish relations culminated in a [[1873]] debate known as the ''[[Seikanron]]'' (lit. "debate on invading Korea"). [[Saigo Takamori|Saigô Takamori]], among others, took a militarist view, and sought to launch a punitive mission, militarily invading the peninsula in order to punish the Koreans for daring to be so stubborn. This debate ultimately ended with the anti-invasion faction winning out, and Saigô angrily quitting the government, to return to [[Kagoshima]], where he would later lead a rebellion against the very same government he had helped to establish.

Saigô's [[1877]] [[Satsuma Rebellion]] was only one of a number of [[shizoku rebellions|''shizoku'' rebellions]] which took place in the mid-1870s, but it was the largest, and ultimately the most decisive. Saigô led some 15,000 former samurai (''[[shizoku]]'') in violently protesting the loss of their samurai privileges (chiefly [[stipends]]), among other causes.<ref>[[Mark Ravina]], ''Land and Lordship in Early Modern Japan'', Stanford University Press (1999), 206-207.</ref> Their defeat by the Imperial Japanese Army marked the end of any major violent opposition to the new political order, mirroring in a sense the [[1615]] [[siege of Osaka]], and/or [[1637]]-[[1638]] [[Shimabara Rebellion]], which similarly marked the last serious armed opposition to Tokugawa hegemony, some 250 years earlier.

Saigô's [[1877]] [[Satsuma Rebellion]] was only one of a number of [[shizoku rebellions|''shizoku'' rebellions]] which took place in the mid-1870s, but it was the largest, and ultimately the most decisive. With the abolition of the samurai class and the domain system, former samurai (''[[shizoku]]'') lost their regular [[stipends]], the traditional avenues of government service, and their elite status overall. Many felt a deep sense of grievance, feeling they had contributed to effecting the Restoration far more so than any other group (certainly more so than the commoners), and yet were being treated by the new government as if they had no special purpose, and no future.<ref>Jordan Walker, "Archipelagic Ambiguities: The Demarcation of Modern Japan, 1868-1879," ''Island Studies Journal'' 10:2 (2015), 215.</ref> Traditionally, samurai had gained prestige and reputation through military exploits; they were rewarded by their lords for accomplishments on the battlefield, or in the Edo period, for accomplishments in feudal service. The decision to not invade Korea, and to not stand up against Russia militarily in Sakhalin, was seen by many former samurai as the nail in the coffin of this avenue of earning prestige, and personal success, leaving many former samurai feeling they were simply being left to fend for themselves, and that everything they stood for was not only being ignored by the new government, but actively disparaged, or dismantled.

 

Saigô thus led some 15,000 former samurai in violently protesting the loss of their samurai privileges in 1877.<ref>[[Mark Ravina]], ''Land and Lordship in Early Modern Japan'', Stanford University Press (1999), 206-207.</ref> Their defeat by the Imperial Japanese Army marked the end of any major violent opposition to the new political order, mirroring in a sense the [[1615]] [[siege of Osaka]], and/or [[1637]]-[[1638]] [[Shimabara Rebellion]], which similarly marked the last serious armed opposition to Tokugawa hegemony, some 250 years earlier.

The Korea issue which sparked Saigô's departure from the government would remain a key element of geopolitical tensions for Japan for nearly the entire remainder of the Meiji period. As the Western powers continued to expand their colonial holdings around the world, Japanese leaders worried that the British, French, or Russians would colonize Korea, thus not only denying Japan access to trade with Korea, but also placing Western imperialist armies (with Korea as base) far too close to Japan for comfort. After the government decided in 1873 against a full invasion of Korea, they then successfully put pressure on the Joseon court in [[1876]] to conclude a formal, modern-style, treaty with Japan. This 1876 [[Treaty of Ganghwa]] linked Japan and Korea within a modern/Western mode of international relations, as mutually independent, sovereign, nation-states, essentially severing, or at least ignoring, Korea's status as a [[tribute|tributary]] state under Chinese suzerainty. Just as Korea had been angered at the removal of its vassal, the Sô clan, the [[Qing Dynasty]] was now angered at this affront to their suzerain-tributary relationship with Korea. Tensions between China, Russia, Japan, and the Western powers over securing a sphere of influence in Korea were a key factor in causing the Sino-Japanese War. This ultimately led too to the [[Russo-Japanese War]] of [[1904]]-[[1905]], which ended in a Japanese victory, and Japanese acquisition of Korea as a colony.

The Korea issue which sparked Saigô's departure from the government would remain a key element of geopolitical tensions for Japan for nearly the entire remainder of the Meiji period. As the Western powers continued to expand their colonial holdings around the world, Japanese leaders worried that the British, French, or Russians would colonize Korea, thus not only denying Japan access to trade with Korea, but also placing Western imperialist armies (with Korea as base) far too close to Japan for comfort. After the government decided in 1873 against a full invasion of Korea, they then successfully put pressure on the Joseon court in [[1876]] to conclude a formal, modern-style, treaty with Japan. This 1876 [[Treaty of Ganghwa]] linked Japan and Korea within a modern/Western mode of international relations, as mutually independent, sovereign, nation-states, essentially severing, or at least ignoring, Korea's status as a [[tribute|tributary]] state under Chinese suzerainty. Just as Korea had been angered at the removal of its vassal, the Sô clan, the [[Qing Dynasty]] was now angered at this affront to their suzerain-tributary relationship with Korea. Tensions between China, Russia, Japan, and the Western powers over securing a sphere of influence in Korea were a key factor in causing the Sino-Japanese War. This ultimately led too to the [[Russo-Japanese War]] of [[1904]]-[[1905]], which ended in a Japanese victory, and Japanese acquisition of Korea as a colony.

The 1873 debate over invading Korea came during a decade in which Japan faced territorial and border concerns on nearly every front. In [[1871]], a group of [[Miyako Islands|Miyako Islanders]], returning home after a [[tribute]] mission to [[Shuri]] (capital, on [[Okinawa Island]], of the [[Ryukyu Kingdom|Ryûkyû Kingdom]]), were thrown off-course by a storm, and were [[Taiwan Incident of 1871|killed]] by [[Taiwanese aborigines]]. As the Meiji government demanded reparations from the [[Qing Dynasty|Qing Court]], this quickly developed into a major diplomatic incident, throwing into question Chinese and Japanese claims to [[Taiwan]] and the [[Ryukyu Islands|Ryûkyû Islands]]. The following year, Japan strengthened its position in the Ryukyus by declaring the Kingdom abolished, and absorbing it into the realm as [[Ryukyu han|Ryûkyû han]], with the former king, [[Sho Tai|Shô Tai]], as its lord. The ''Seikanron'', as already discussed, took place the year after that (1873), and in [[1874]] [[Saigo Tsugumichi|Saigô Tsugumichi]] led [[Taiwan Expedition of 1874|a punitive military campaign]] against the aboriginal Paiwan, or Botan, people in Taiwan. In [[1875]], Ryûkyû sent a tribute mission to [[Beijing]], as it had done for centuries. Tensions between China and Japan grew quite heated, culminating ultimately in [[1879]], when Japan unilaterally - and over Beijing's explicit objections - [[Ryukyu shobun|abolished the Ryûkyû Kingdom]] (now Ryûkyû han) entirely, annexing its territory as Okinawa prefecture, and appointing a governor, while the former king was to report to Tokyo and join the new peerage alongside (other) former ''daimyô''. That same year, [[Ulysses S. Grant]], having already completed his term as President of the United States in [[1877]], came to China and Japan as part of a private world tour vacation. The young Meiji Emperor reportedly eagerly asked Grant for advice on numerous aspects of how to build a modern, economically strong, and constitutionally democratic country. But Grant also served as mediator in this conflict over the Ryukyus, meeting with both [[Li Hongzhang|Chinese]] and Japanese officials, and ultimately securing a settlement in [[1880]] in which Japan would recognize Chinese sovereignty over the Miyako Islands and everything to their south, in exchange for China granting Japan "[[most favored nation]]" status. The Chinese initially agreed, but ultimately refused to sign, and so all of the Ryukyus, from the [[Amami Islands|Amami]] and [[Tokara Islands]] in the north (already annexed into [[Satsuma province|Satsuma]]/[[Kagoshima prefecture|Kagoshima]] territory centuries earlier) to [[Yonaguni Island]] in the south, remained Japanese territory. Tensions over Taiwan (and spheres of influence in [[Colonial Korea|Korea]]) were allayed for a time, but would later come to [[Sino-Japanese War|war with China]] in [[1894]]-[[1895]]; Japanese victory in that war made Taiwan a Japanese colony.

The 1873 debate over invading Korea came during a decade in which Japan faced territorial and border concerns on nearly every front. In [[1871]], a group of [[Miyako Islands|Miyako Islanders]], returning home after a [[tribute]] mission to [[Shuri]] (capital, on [[Okinawa Island]], of the [[Ryukyu Kingdom|Ryûkyû Kingdom]]), were thrown off-course by a storm, and were [[Taiwan Incident of 1871|killed]] by [[Taiwanese aborigines]]. As the Meiji government demanded reparations from the [[Qing Dynasty|Qing Court]], this quickly developed into a major diplomatic incident, throwing into question Chinese and Japanese claims to [[Taiwan]] and the [[Ryukyu Islands|Ryûkyû Islands]]. The following year, Japan strengthened its position in the Ryukyus by declaring the Kingdom abolished, and absorbing it into the realm as [[Ryukyu han|Ryûkyû han]], with the former king, [[Sho Tai|Shô Tai]], as its lord. The ''Seikanron'', as already discussed, took place the year after that (1873), and in [[1874]] [[Saigo Tsugumichi|Saigô Tsugumichi]] led [[Taiwan Expedition of 1874|a punitive military campaign]] against the aboriginal Paiwan, or Botan, people in Taiwan. In [[1875]], Ryûkyû sent a tribute mission to [[Beijing]], as it had done for centuries. Tensions between China and Japan grew quite heated, culminating ultimately in [[1879]], when Japan unilaterally - and over Beijing's explicit objections - [[Ryukyu shobun|abolished the Ryûkyû Kingdom]] (now Ryûkyû han) entirely, annexing its territory as Okinawa prefecture, and appointing a governor, while the former king was to report to Tokyo and join the new peerage alongside (other) former ''daimyô''. That same year, [[Ulysses S. Grant]], having already completed his term as President of the United States in [[1877]], came to China and Japan as part of a private world tour vacation. The young Meiji Emperor reportedly eagerly asked Grant for advice on numerous aspects of how to build a modern, economically strong, and constitutionally democratic country. But Grant also served as mediator in this conflict over the Ryukyus, meeting with both [[Li Hongzhang|Chinese]] and Japanese officials, and ultimately securing a settlement in [[1880]] in which Japan would recognize Chinese sovereignty over the Miyako Islands and everything to their south, in exchange for China granting Japan "[[most favored nation]]" status. The Chinese initially agreed, but ultimately refused to sign, and so all of the Ryukyus, from the [[Amami Islands|Amami]] and [[Tokara Islands]] in the north (already annexed into [[Satsuma province|Satsuma]]/[[Kagoshima prefecture|Kagoshima]] territory centuries earlier) to [[Yonaguni Island]] in the south, remained Japanese territory. Tensions over Taiwan (and spheres of influence in [[Colonial Korea|Korea]]) were allayed for a time, but would later come to [[Sino-Japanese War|war with China]] in [[1894]]-[[1895]]; Japanese victory in that war made Taiwan a Japanese colony.

Meanwhile, in the north, the [[1855]] [[Treaty of Shimoda]] had already established formal national boundaries between Japanese and Russian territory in the [[Kuril Islands]]; this was the first treaty to formally establish any Japanese national borders. However, this Treaty left the status of [[Sakhalin]] undetermined, and this continued to be a point of dispute between the two countries. The Meiji government formally annexed the island of Ezo in [[1869]], renaming it Hokkaidô, and asked the US to arbitrate the dispute over Sakhalin; however, Russia refused to have any third-party mediator. In [[1872]], both Russia and Japan refused to sell (their claims to) the island to the other. Finally, an agreement was reached in [[1875]] in which Japan renounced its claims to Sakhalin in exchange for Russia's recognition of the Kurils as Japanese territory.

Meanwhile, in the north, the [[1855]] [[Treaty of Shimoda]] had already established formal national boundaries between Japanese and Russian territory in the [[Kuril Islands]]; this was the first treaty to formally establish any Japanese national borders. However, this Treaty left the status of [[Sakhalin]] undetermined, and this continued to be a point of dispute between the two countries. The Meiji government formally annexed the island of Ezo in [[1869]], renaming it Hokkaidô, and asked the US to arbitrate the dispute over Sakhalin; however, Russia refused to have any third-party mediator. In [[1872]], both Russia and Japan refused to sell (their claims to) the island to the other. Finally, an agreement was reached in [[1875]] in which Japan renounced its claims to Sakhalin in exchange for Russia's recognition of the Kurils as Japanese territory. In the end, though Korea, Ryûkyû, and Sakhalin & the Kurils brought considerable diplomatic tensions over the course of the 1870s, all of these disputes were ultimately resolved (for the time being, as of 1879) with a minimum of outright fighting.<ref>Walker, 218.</ref> Only in the 1890s-1910s (and later, in the 1930s-40s) would Imperial Japan become embroiled in outright wars.

The 1880s saw the further development of Japan's formal diplomatic ties with other nations around the world. The Meiji government continued to honor treaties signed by the shogunate in the 1850s, and foreign communities, including formal consuls and delegations, continued on in [[Kobe]], [[Yokohama]], [[Hakodate]], and a few other port cities. The Emperor received former US President Grant in 1879, as mentioned above, and in [[1881]], he received [[King Kalakaua]] of Hawaii, and Princes Albert and George of the United Kingdom as formal state guests, the first foreign royals to visit Japan in such a capacity.<ref>King [[Sho Nei|Shô Nei]] of the Ryûkyû Kingdom is very likely the only previous foreign royal to have visited Japan since the [[Asuka period|Asuka]] or [[Nara period]], doing so as a prisoner of war in [[1609]]-[[1611]], and thus not in a similar fashion as a diplomatic state guest.</ref> Through meetings with these and other heads of state, Meiji Japan began actively developing diplomatic ties with other countries.

The 1880s saw the further development of Japan's formal diplomatic ties with other nations around the world. The Meiji government continued to honor treaties signed by the shogunate in the 1850s, and foreign communities, including formal consuls and delegations, continued on in [[Kobe]], [[Yokohama]], [[Hakodate]], and a few other port cities. The Emperor received former US President Grant in 1879, as mentioned above, and in [[1881]], he received [[King Kalakaua]] of Hawaii, and Princes Albert and George of the United Kingdom as formal state guests, the first foreign royals to visit Japan in such a capacity.<ref>King [[Sho Nei|Shô Nei]] of the Ryûkyû Kingdom is very likely the only previous foreign royal to have visited Japan since the [[Asuka period|Asuka]] or [[Nara period]], doing so as a prisoner of war in [[1609]]-[[1611]], and thus not in a similar fashion as a diplomatic state guest.</ref> Through meetings with these and other heads of state, Meiji Japan began actively developing diplomatic ties with other countries.

In terms of commerce, industry, and infrastructure, the country modernized perhaps more quickly than any country ever has. Railroads, electricity, gaslamps, steamships, and countless other technological advances which began to be introduced in the [[Bakumatsu]] era spread, quickly becoming ubiquitous. Banks, factories, import-export companies, and the first ''[[zaibatsu]]'' and ''[[keiretsu]]'' conglomerates, among other sorts of modern corporate businesses abounded, and Japan quickly became a competitive force on the world stage. Modern technologies for factory mass production became widespread, particularly for the production of textiles. For the entire Meiji period, textiles accounted for roughly half of all of Japan's exports.<ref>Ellen Conant, "Cut from Kyoto Cloth: Takeuchi Seihô and his Artistic Milieu," ''Impressions'' 33 (2012), 74.</ref>

In terms of commerce, industry, and infrastructure, the country modernized perhaps more quickly than any country ever has. Railroads, electricity, gaslamps, steamships, and countless other technological advances which began to be introduced in the [[Bakumatsu]] era spread, quickly becoming ubiquitous. Banks, factories, import-export companies, and the first ''[[zaibatsu]]'' and ''[[keiretsu]]'' conglomerates, among other sorts of modern corporate businesses abounded, and Japan quickly became a competitive force on the world stage. Modern technologies for factory mass production became widespread, particularly for the production of textiles. For the entire Meiji period, textiles accounted for roughly half of all of Japan's exports.<ref>Ellen Conant, "Cut from Kyoto Cloth: Takeuchi Seihô and his Artistic Milieu," ''Impressions'' 33 (2012), 74.</ref>

The government hired some 3,000 [[oyatoi gaikokujin|foreigners]] to serve as advisors and teachers in guiding these infrastructure efforts, and in teaching the first generation of Japanese experts at the newly established Imperial universities. The majority by far were experts in engineering and architecture, and were employed by the [[Ministry of Education]].<ref>William Coaldrake, ''Architecture and Authority in Japan'', Routledge (1996), 216.</ref> Numerous iconic new modern buildings were constructed at this time, combining modern Western style, methods, and materials with Japanese traditional elements.

 

The government hired some 3,000 [[oyatoi gaikokujin|foreigners]] to serve as advisors and teachers in guiding these infrastructure efforts, and in teaching the first generation of Japanese experts at the newly established Imperial universities. The majority by far were experts in engineering and architecture, and were employed by the [[Ministry of Education]].<ref>William Coaldrake, ''Architecture and Authority in Japan'', Routledge (1996), 216.</ref> Numerous iconic new modern buildings were constructed at this time, combining modern Western style, methods, and materials with Japanese traditional elements. Government invested heavily in some two dozen industries, including [[silk]] and [[cotton]], mining, shipyards, engineering, arms production, glass, [[sugar]], and even [[beer]] brewing.<ref name=gordon71/>

 

Still the government encouraged private entrepreneurship as well, through nationalist slogans such as ''bunmei kaika'' (文明開化, "civilization and enlightenment"), ''fukoku kyôhei'' (富国強兵, "prosperous country, strong military"), ''wakon yôsai'' (和魂洋才, "Japanese spirit, Western technique"), and ''shokusan kôgyô'' (殖産興業, promotion of industry). The government also explicitly encouraged the formation of joint-stock companies, backed by private investors, a model that was quite powerful in the West. And individual entrepreneurs indeed did drive much of the major economic, financial, and industrial changes of the period. The most prominent and influential entrepreneurs included many of the former merchant class (such as the founders of [[Echigoya|Mitsukoshi]], [[Takashimaya]], etc.), and also many of the former samurai class; for example, the [[Shimazu clan]] shifted their family wealth into the Shimazu Corporation, and low-ranking samurai [[Iwasaki Yataro|Iwasaki Yatarô]] founded [[Mitsubishi]].

Much of these economic changes were driven by individual entrepreneurs, including many of the former merchant class (such as the founders of [[Echigoya|Mitsukoshi]], [[Takashimaya]], etc.), and also many of the former samurai class; for example, the [[Shimazu clan]] shifted their family wealth into the Shimazu Corporation, and low-ranking samurai [[Iwasaki Yataro|Iwasaki Yatarô]] founded [[Mitsubishi]]. But much of this economic modernization and growth was also fueled by the government, which promoted nationalist slogans such as ''bunmei kaika'' (文明開化, "civilization and enlightenment"), ''fukoku kyôhei'' (富国強兵, "prosperous country, strong military"), ''wakon yôsai'' (和魂洋才, "Japanese spirit, Western technique"), and ''shokusan kôgyô'' (殖産興業, promotion of industry).

Most of the factories, mills, and so forth begun by the government did poorly, and were sold off in the 1880s to private businessmen for rather low amounts. However, this should likely not be seen as a failure, but rather as a phenomenon which contributed importantly to the initial development of "modern" industry in Japan, both by having the government start these industries to begin with, and by having the government then provide low entry costs for aspiring entrepreneurs (or, established ones seeking to expand). Historian [[Andrew Gordon]] has identified this process, the well-considered decisions of Meiji oligarchs that government should take an active role in encouraging and supporting industry, as the foundation for Japan's continued dedication to that economic policy attitude through the 20th century to the present.<ref>Gordon, 71-72.</ref>

Meanwhile, the government began printing & minting new [[currency]] in [[1868]], establishing the [[yen]] as the new Japanese currency in [[1871]], and establishing the [[Bank of Japan]] in [[1882]].<ref>Pamphlets, Currency Museum of the Bank of Japan.</ref>

Meanwhile, the government began printing & minting new [[currency]] in [[1868]], establishing the [[yen]] as the new Japanese currency in [[1871]], and establishing the [[Bank of Japan]] in [[1882]].<ref>Pamphlets, Currency Museum of the Bank of Japan.</ref> The first [[telegraph]] lines were laid beginning in [[1869]], and a [[postal system]] based on the British model was established in 1871.<ref name=gordon71/> The first rail lines in the country were opened in [[1872]], linking [[Sakuragicho Station|Yokohama]], [[Shinbashi Station|Shinbashi]], and [[Shinagawa]]. An express line linking the capital with [[Kyoto]], [[Osaka]], and [[Kobe]] in the west, opened in [[1896]]. Samurai and others were encouraged to invest in the railroads, and did so. By 1890, some 1400 miles of railroad had been laid; at that time, the government owned and operated roughly 40% of the lines, while private railroad companies ran the rest.<ref name=gordon71/>

The first rail lines in the country were opened in [[1872]], linking [[Sakuragicho Station|Yokohama]], [[Shinbashi Station|Shinbashi]], and [[Shinagawa]]. An express line linking the capital with [[Kyoto]], [[Osaka]], and [[Kobe]] in the west, opened in [[1896]].

As for government revenues, in its very first years the Meiji government had to rely only on the agricultural base of the former Tokugawa lands, and on loans from Osaka-based merchants. With the abolition of the domains in 1871, however, they were able to put into place a new nationwide tax system. Samurai stipends proved a considerable burden upon the young state, amounting to as much as half of the national budget. These were soon phased out, however, despite [[shizoku rebellions|violent opposition]]. Ôkubo Toshimichi led the introduction, beginning in [[1873]], of a new system of land taxes, which was accompanied by widespread land reform. Whereas taxes had previously been paid by villages, and in kind, with little true legal system for land ownership, the government now undertook a massive, nationwide, land survey, in which title deeds were issued, officially and legally identifying individuals as the owners of each given area of land, and then holding that individual (not the communal village) responsible for paying taxes based on the assessed productive value of his land. Whereas previously it was samurai authorities who gained or lost real value as the price of rice rose or fell (the amount of rice being paid, e.g. X number of ''[[koku]]'' per village, being fixed), under this new tax system individual taxpayers had to pay more or less tax to make up for shifts in the market.<ref>Gordon, 70.</ref>

==Society==

==Society==

The [[samurai]] class was abolished along with the system of feudal domains (''han'') in [[1871]]. The wearing of swords in public was [[Haito edict|banned]] in [[1876]]. Though all were now meant to be relatively equal, as Imperial subjects, no longer divided into Confucian classes of merchants, peasants, and artisans, a new aristocracy was formed to include the former ''daimyô'', court nobles, and others.  

The [[samurai]] class was abolished along with the system of feudal domains (''han'') in [[1871]]. Former samurai were now termed ''[[shizoku]]'' or ''[[sotsu]]'' depending on their previous rank, and the wearing of swords in public was [[Haito edict|banned]] in [[1876]]. Former ''daimyô'', along with [[kuge|court aristocrats]], [[Sho Dynasty|Ryukyuan royalty]], and a few others became a new European-style aristocracy, called the ''[[kazoku]]''. But for all categories of peasants and commoners, status categories and legal divisions were eliminated, with the vast majority of the population becoming ''heimin'' ("regular citizens"), and all [[sumptuary regulations]] and other restrictions on hairstyle, fashion, and so forth, were eliminated as well, with a few gender-related exceptions. Restrictions on occupations were similarly lifted. While the outcaste groups known as ''[[eta]]'' and ''[[hinin]]'' were officially abolished, those people, now under the term ''[[burakumin]]'', continued to suffer from discrimination.<ref>Andrew Gordon, ''A Modern History of Japan'', Oxford University Press (2013), 65.</ref>

The government implemented a system of [[Meiji education|nationwide public education]] which gradually came into fruition over the course of the period, based on a combination of Western knowledge (e.g. sciences, geography, economics) and [[Neo-Confucianism|Neo-Confucian]] moral education. A national curriculum was aimed at suppressing regional difference and creating a unified, national, "Japanese" culture. The [[Ministry of Education]] began efforts in [[1872]] to establish schools across the country; in addition to this, a significant portion of the education budget in the first decades of the Meiji period was devoted to bringing in foreign teachers, and to funding students to study overseas. Building schools, training and hiring (native Japanese) teachers, and so forth took some time, and as late as [[1902]], the country was still only partially on the way to the goals that had been set in 1872, in terms of the number of schools in operation. As for the content and character of the national curriculum, [[1890]] was a turning point in this as in many things. The [[Imperial Rescript on Education]] issued that year is a short document which declared a set of nationalist core principles, and which served from that point forward as the foundation of a curriculum of moral education emphasizing filial piety, nationalist zeal or patriotism, reverence for the Emperor, and personal sacrifice for the sake of the nation.<ref>Schirokauer, et al, 187-188.</ref>

The government implemented a system of [[Meiji education|nationwide public education]] which gradually came into fruition over the course of the period, based on a combination of Western knowledge (e.g. sciences, geography, economics) and [[Neo-Confucianism|Neo-Confucian]] moral education. A national curriculum was aimed at suppressing regional difference and creating a unified, national, "Japanese" culture. The [[Ministry of Education]] began efforts in [[1872]] to establish schools across the country; in addition to this, a significant portion of the education budget in the first decades of the Meiji period was devoted to bringing in foreign teachers, and to funding students to study overseas. Building schools, training and hiring (native Japanese) teachers, and so forth took some time, and as late as [[1902]], the country was still only partially on the way to the goals that had been set in 1872, in terms of the number of schools in operation. As for the content and character of the national curriculum, [[1890]] was a turning point in this as in many things. The [[Imperial Rescript on Education]] issued that year is a short document which declared a set of nationalist core principles, and which served from that point forward as the foundation of a curriculum of moral education emphasizing filial piety, nationalist zeal or patriotism, reverence for the Emperor, and personal sacrifice for the sake of the nation.<ref>Schirokauer, et al, 187-188.</ref>

Everyday culture changed dramatically, from food to fashion to architecture, as Western styles were adopted. Much was retained, of course, or evolved into new modern forms without being discarded entirely; still, modernity came quickly, especially in the big cities, in these respects.

Everyday culture changed dramatically, from food to fashion to architecture, as Western styles were adopted. Much was retained, of course, or evolved into new modern forms without being discarded entirely; still, modernity came quickly, especially in the big cities, in these respects.

A national culture was born for the first time. Public education, nationwide newspapers, and the abolition of the feudal system & centralization of government under Tokyo, along with numerous other factors fueled the development of a single national culture. Regional culture was celebrated, but it was also suppressed. The government promoted, as it still does today, the distinctive sights and scenery of each region, and regional products (''[[meibutsu]]'', e.g. [[Aomori prefecture|Aomori]] apples and [[Kagawa prefecture|Kagawa]] [[udon]]). But, it also promoted the idea that provincial dialects, and many other aspects of regional culture, were backwards, and un-modern. Through a singular nationwide public education curriculum and other methods, the government encouraged the development of a singular, modern, national culture and identity.

A national culture was born for the first time. Public education, nationwide newspapers, and the abolition of the feudal system & centralization of government under Tokyo, along with numerous other factors fueled the development of a single national culture. Regional culture was celebrated, but it was also suppressed. The government promoted, as it still does today, the distinctive sights and scenery of each region, and regional products (''[[meibutsu]]'', e.g. [[Aomori prefecture|Aomori]] apples and [[Kagawa prefecture|Kagawa]] [[udon]]). But, it also promoted the idea that provincial dialects, and many other aspects of regional culture, were backwards, and un-modern. Through a singular nationwide public education curriculum and other methods, the government encouraged the development of a singular, modern, national culture and identity. That said, while conventional understandings frequently link this to the emergence, too, of a notion of Japan as ethnically homogeneous, Eiji Ôguma has demonstrated that the singular dominance of this idea was actually a postwar development, and that in fact a number of different notions about Japanese multi-racial identity came in and out of currency over the course of the Meiji period through the early 1940s, alongside ideas of homogeneity. One such notion, drawing upon broader Western or global notions at the time regarding race, was that the Japanese people had mixed with many other peoples over the course of history, thus developing better racial traits (through mixing with a larger gene pool, in contrast to inbreeding).<ref>See Eiji Oguma, ''A Genealogy of Japanese Self-Images'', Melbourne: Trans-Pacific Press, 2002, as cited in Gregory Smits, "Rethinking Ryukyu," ''International Journal of Okinawan Studies'' 6:1 (2015), 3, 17n10.</ref>

In response to this, however, a number of scholars, writers, and artists perceived the loss of regional folk traditions as an existential threat to Japanese identity. They argued that Japanese identity was grounded fundamentally in folk traditions, including especially folk arts (''[[mingei]]'') such as pottery and textiles, and that this was being actively destroyed by the nationalization and modernization efforts; as Japan modernized, they found in [[Hokkaido|Hokkaidô]], [[Okinawa]], [[Colonial Korea|Korea]], and [[Taiwan]] what they claimed was an earlier, truer form of Japanese culture, which was being lost and which needed to be recovered. While their efforts certainly did serve to revive or preserve many folk traditions which might otherwise have been lost, it is important to note that the ''Mingei'' movement was not in fact rescuing these traditions as they truly had been in ages past, but rather was re-inventing, re-conceptualizing these arts; the ''Mingei'' vision of Japanese culture, history, and identity was an invented tradition<ref>Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger. ''The Invention of Tradition''. Cambridge University Press, 2012.</ref> no less so than the more official and mainstream efforts to promote National arts.

In response to this emphasis on a singular national culture, however, a number of scholars, writers, and artists perceived the loss of regional folk traditions as an existential threat to Japanese identity. They argued that Japanese identity was grounded fundamentally in folk traditions, including especially folk arts (''[[mingei]]'') such as pottery and textiles, and that this was being actively destroyed by the nationalization and modernization efforts; as Japan modernized, they found in [[Hokkaido|Hokkaidô]], [[Okinawa]], [[Colonial Korea|Korea]], and [[Taiwan]] what they claimed was an earlier, truer form of Japanese culture, which was being lost and which needed to be recovered. While their efforts certainly did serve to revive or preserve many folk traditions which might otherwise have been lost, it is important to note that the ''Mingei'' movement was not in fact rescuing these traditions as they truly had been in ages past, but rather was re-inventing, re-conceptualizing these arts; the ''Mingei'' vision of Japanese culture, history, and identity was an invented tradition<ref>Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger. ''The Invention of Tradition''. Cambridge University Press, 2012.</ref> no less so than the more official and mainstream efforts to promote National arts.

Through participation in [[World's Fairs]], the establishment of [[Tokyo National Museum|Imperial (National) Museums]] in the 1880s, the establishment of a system of [[National Treasures]], and the promotion of particular art forms, among other means, the government worked to prove to the Japanese people, and to the world, that Japan was modern, civilized, and possessed just as worthy a tradition and history as any other great nation. Many new art forms, such as ''[[Nihonga]]'' (neo-traditional painting) and ''[[yoga|yôga]]'' (Western-style oil painting), the novel & other forms of "modern" literature, and [[shinpa|new forms of theatre]], were born out of this, while many older art forms, such as [[Noh]], [[kabuki]], [[shamisen]] and other forms of traditional [[music]], [[nihon buyo|Japanese dance]], and [[tea ceremony]], were formalized or re-invented as "national traditions." Others, such as ''[[ukiyo-e]]'', simply continued along, changing and developing but not being re-conceptualized entirely. Artists such as [[Kobayashi Kiyochika]] designed ''ukiyo-e'' propaganda prints which served to report on national events, such as the promulgation of the Constitution, and the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese Wars. By the end of the period, however, ''ukiyo-e'' had fallen away, and had been replaced by modern print forms such as ''[[shin hanga]]'' ("new prints") and ''[[sosaku hanga|sôsaku hanga]]'' ("creative prints"). Photography, postcards, newspapers, and a variety of other modern arts & cultural forms also developed and became widespread in the Meiji period.

Through participation in [[World's Fairs]], the establishment of [[Tokyo National Museum|Imperial (National) Museums]] in the 1880s, the establishment of a system of [[National Treasures]], and the promotion of particular art forms, among other means, the government worked to prove to the Japanese people, and to the world, that Japan was modern, civilized, and possessed just as worthy a tradition and history as any other great nation. Many new art forms, such as ''[[Nihonga]]'' (neo-traditional painting) and ''[[yoga|yôga]]'' (Western-style oil painting), the novel & other forms of "modern" literature, and [[shinpa|new forms of theatre]], were born out of this, while many older art forms, such as [[Noh]], [[kabuki]], [[shamisen]] and other forms of traditional [[music]], [[nihon buyo|Japanese dance]], and [[tea ceremony]], were formalized or re-invented as "national traditions." Others, such as ''[[ukiyo-e]]'', simply continued along, changing and developing but not being re-conceptualized entirely. Artists such as [[Kobayashi Kiyochika]] designed ''ukiyo-e'' propaganda prints which served to report on national events, such as the promulgation of the Constitution, and the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese Wars. By the end of the period, however, ''ukiyo-e'' had fallen away, and had been replaced by modern print forms such as ''[[shin hanga]]'' ("new prints") and ''[[sosaku hanga|sôsaku hanga]]'' ("creative prints"). Photography, postcards, newspapers, and a variety of other modern arts & cultural forms also developed and became widespread in the Meiji period.

"Modern" academic disciplines such as archaeology, anthropology, medicine, and hard sciences also got their starts in Japan at this time. This came partially from visiting Westerners, and partially from ''[[Rangaku]]'' scholars and other Japanese. [[Tsuboi Shogoro|Tsuboi Shôgorô]] pioneered anthropological studies of the [[Ainu]], helped found the Tokyo Anthropological Society, and played a role in the first ever discovery of [[Yayoi period]] remains. The discovery of the [[Omori shellmound|Ômori shellmound]] by [[Edward Sylvester Morse]] was also a significant development in the origins of archaeology in Japan.

"Modern" academic disciplines such as archaeology, anthropology, medicine, and hard sciences also got their starts in Japan at this time. This came partially from visiting Westerners, and partially from ''[[Rangaku]]'' scholars and other Japanese. [[Tsuboi Shogoro|Tsuboi Shôgorô]] pioneered anthropological studies of the [[Ainu]], helped found the Tokyo Anthropological Society, and played a role in the first ever discovery of [[Yayoi period]] remains. The discovery of the [[Omori shellmound|Ômori shellmound]] by [[Edward Sylvester Morse]] was also a significant development in the origins of archaeology in Japan.

[[File:Heian-gate.jpg|right|thumb|320px|The main gate to [[Heian Shrine]], established [[1895]], but based on the architectural style of the [[Kyoto Imperial Palace|Heian Imperial Palace]] of the 8th-12th centuries.]]

[[File:Heian-gate.jpg|right|thumb|320px|The main gate to [[Heian Shrine]], established [[1895]], but based on the architectural style of the [[Kyoto Imperial Palace|Heian Imperial Palace]] of the 8th-12th centuries.]]

History was also reconceptualized at this time, as Meiji discourse constructed a "national" history, one in which "Japan" had always existed as a single unit under an unbroken line of Emperors, and in which the Tokugawa period was repressive and backwards, and the Meiji period one of progress and modernity. In the course of writing this history, numerous terms were either coined anew, or appropriated from the Chinese classics, and applied retroactively, anachronistically, to the past. It was in these histories that the feudal domains of the Edo period were first called ''[[han]]'',<ref>Mark Ravina, ''Land and Lordship in Early Modern Japan'', Stanford University Press (1999), 28.</ref> that the emperors were for the first time invariably called ''tennô''<ref>In actual historical usage, the term ''tennô'' fell in and out of usage over the centuries.; Shillony, 69-71.</ref>, and that the term ''bakufu'' (lit. "tent government") was adopted as the chief, standard term for the three [[bakufu|shogunates]].<ref>Watanabe Hiroshi, Luke Roberts (trans.), "About Some Japanese Historical Terms," ''Sino-Japanese Studies'' 10:2 (1998), 32-35.</ref>  

History was also reconceptualized at this time, as Meiji discourse constructed a "national" history, one in which "Japan" had always existed as a single unit under an unbroken line of Emperors, and in which the Tokugawa period was repressive and backwards, and the Meiji period one of progress and modernity. In the course of writing this history, numerous terms were either coined anew, or appropriated from the Chinese classics, and applied retroactively, anachronistically, to the past. It was in these histories that the feudal domains of the Edo period were first called ''[[han]]'',<ref>Mark Ravina, ''Land and Lordship in Early Modern Japan'', Stanford University Press (1999), 28.</ref> that the emperors were for the first time invariably called ''tennô''<ref>In actual historical usage, the term ''tennô'' fell in and out of usage over the centuries.; Shillony, 69-71.</ref>, and that the term ''bakufu'' (lit. "tent government") was adopted as the chief, standard term for the three [[bakufu|shogunates]].<ref>Watanabe Hiroshi, Luke Roberts (trans.), "About Some Japanese Historical Terms," ''Sino-Japanese Studies'' 10:2 (1998), 32-35.</ref>  

==References==

==References==