Changes

The Joseon Dynasty ruled a united Korea from [[1392]] until [[1897]], from its capital at Hanseong, the city today known as [[Seoul]].<ref>Nam-Lin Hur, "A Korean Envoy Encounters Tokugawa Japan: Shin Yuhan and the Korean Embassy of 1719," ''Bunmei 21'' no. 4 (Aichi University, 2000), 61-73.</ref>

The Joseon Dynasty ruled a united Korea from [[1392]] until [[1897]], from its capital at Hanseong, the city today known as [[Seoul]].<ref>Nam-Lin Hur, "A Korean Envoy Encounters Tokugawa Japan: Shin Yuhan and the Korean Embassy of 1719," ''Bunmei 21'' no. 4 (Aichi University, 2000), 61-73.</ref>

==History==

==History==

===Founding===

===Founding===

The dynasty was founded by Yi Sŏnggye, who then took the name [[King Taejo]], ruling from [[1392]] until [[1398]].<ref>Robert Hellyer, ''Defining Engagement'', Harvard University Press (2009), 30.</ref> The fall of the preceding [[Koryo Dynasty|Koryŏ Dynasty]] came in part due to Koryŏ campaigns against [[Ming Dynasty]] China over control of the Ssangsŏng region, and Yi Sŏnggye's preference for negotiation over combat as a means to resolve the matter. Immediately after establishing the new dynasty, Yi made efforts to reaffirm Korea's [[tribute|tributary]] loyalties to the Ming, and sought to receive investiture - a sign of formal recognition of Joseon legitimacy - in return. However, it was not until [[1403]] that the Ming granted that investiture, and formally recognized the Yi clan (i.e. the Joseon dynasty) as legitimate rulers of all the territory Koryo had previously held.<ref>Tomiyama Kazuyuki, ''Ryûkyû ôkoku no gaikô to ôken'', Yoshikawa kôbunkan (2004), 34.</ref>

The dynasty was founded by Yi Sŏnggye, who then took the name [[King Taejo]], ruling from [[1392]] until [[1398]].<ref>Robert Hellyer, ''Defining Engagement'', Harvard University Press (2009), 30.</ref> The fall of the preceding [[Koryo Dynasty|Koryŏ Dynasty]] came in part due to Koryŏ campaigns against [[Ming Dynasty]] China over control of the Ssangsŏng region, and Yi Sŏnggye's preference for negotiation over combat as a means to resolve the matter. Taejo named the new kingdom after [[Gija Joseon]], the legendary first state ever established in the Korean peninsula.<ref>Jeong-mi Lee, “Chosŏn Korea as Sojunghwa, the Small Central Civilization,” ''International Christian University Publications 3-A, Asian Cultural Studies'' 国際基督教大学学報 3-A,アジア文化研究 36 (2010) 316n19.</ref>

 

Immediately after establishing the new dynasty, Yi made efforts to reaffirm Korea's [[tribute|tributary]] loyalties to the Ming, and sought to receive [[investiture]] in return. Doing so would serve both to bolster the sense of legitimacy of the new regime, and to protect it from being overthrown (almost before it even began) by "the most powerful state in its political universe."<ref>Ji-Young Lee, “Diplomatic Ritual as a Power Resource: The Politics of Asymmetry in Early Modern Chinese-Korean Relations,” ''Journal of East Asian Studies'' 13 (2013), 321.</ref> The Ming court finally granted that investiture in [[1403]] (during the reign of Taejo's successor, [[King Jeongjong]]), formally recognizing the Yi clan (i.e. the Joseon dynasty) as legitimate rulers of all the territory Koryŏ had previously held.<ref>Tomiyama Kazuyuki, ''Ryûkyû ôkoku no gaikô to ôken'', Yoshikawa kôbunkan (2004), 34.</ref> From that generation forward, until the fall of the Ming Dynasty in [[1644]], every king of Joseon received investiture from the Ming.<ref>Ji-Young Lee, 317.</ref>

At the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty, the population of Korea was likely around 3.5 million, up from 3 million a century earlier.<ref>Robert Tignor, [[Benjamin Elman]], et al, ''Worlds Together, Worlds Apart'', vol B, Fourth Edition, W.W. Norton & Co (2014), 410.</ref>

At the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty, the population of Korea was likely around 3.5 million, up from 3 million a century earlier.<ref>Robert Tignor, [[Benjamin Elman]], et al, ''Worlds Together, Worlds Apart'', vol B, Fourth Edition, W.W. Norton & Co (2014), 410.</ref>

Even at the earliest stage, however, in the first decade after the dynasty's founding, the Court began taking some actions to better embody a distinctive Korean identity, and an appropriately kingly (tributary) one, distancing Joseon from emulation of at least some Chinese Imperial practices. One such change was for former kings, going back to the 6th or 7th century, to be retroactively renamed, in Joseon official histories, "-wang", meaning "king," in place of the "-jo" (C: ''-zu'') and "-jong" (C: ''-zong'') suffixes many of them had employed in their temple names, in emulation of Chinese emperors.<ref>Rawski, 137.</ref>

Even at the earliest stage, however, in the first decade after the dynasty's founding, the Court began taking some actions to better embody a distinctive Korean identity, and an appropriately kingly (tributary) one, distancing Joseon from emulation of at least some Chinese Imperial practices. One such change was for former kings, going back to the 6th or 7th century, to be retroactively renamed, in Joseon official histories, "-wang", meaning "king," in place of the "-jo" (C: ''-zu'') and "-jong" (C: ''-zong'') suffixes many of them had employed in their temple names, in emulation of Chinese emperors.<ref>Rawski, 137.</ref>

After the [[Manchu]] invasions of Korea in the 1620s-30s, and especially after the fall of China's Ming Dynasty to the Manchus in [[1644]], however, the Court shifted considerably towards a strong dedication to proper Confucian state ritual and embodiment of loyalty to the Ming.  

After the [[Manchu]] invasions of Korea in the 1620s-30s, and especially after the fall of China's Ming Dynasty to the Manchus in [[1644]], however, the Court shifted considerably towards a strong dedication to proper Confucian state ritual and embodiment of loyalty to the Ming.

Once hopes for a [[Ming loyalists|Ming restoration]] faded in the 1670s, Joseon began constructing altars to Ming emperors. [[Song Siyol]] ([[1607]]-[[1689]]) was among the leading Confucian officials who proposed the construction of altars to the [[Wanli Emperor|Wanli]] and [[Chongzhen Emperor]]s to be built, to “symbolize repaying the kindness of the Ming and for implanting… the spirit of ''ch’unch’u taeui'' [春秋大義, C: ''Chūnqiū dàyì''],” a principle of loyalty to the state even while that state is collapsing. A generation later, [[King Sukchong]] continued to support such attitudes, and proposed ritual sacrifices to the Chongzhen Emperor beginning in [[1704]]. However, some factions at court questioned or critiqued such moves, noting that such sacrifices would seem to place the Ming emperors above the King’s own royal ancestors, and further that such sacrifices had no precedent in the established Chinese ritual code. Many officials also protested that only direct descendants of the Ming Imperial family should be making such sacrifices to the Ming imperial ancestors. Still, with the support of students from Korea’s own National Confucian Academy, the altar was created. Originally dedicated to the memory of the Wanli Emperor and called the [[Taebodan]], it was later expanded – under Sukchong’s successor [[King Yongjo]] - to be dedicated to the [[Hongwu Emperor|Hongwu]] and Chongzhen Emperors as well. Yongjo began the tradition of performing ritual sacrifices dedicated to these three emperors (Hongwu, Wanli, and Chongzhen) in [[1749]]. Through these rituals, Yongjo affirmed Joseon as the heir to Ming civilization, with one key saying from the time declaring that “the Central Plains exude the stenches of barbarians and our Green Hills are alone” (i.e. China has fallen to the barbarians, and it is in Korea alone that true civilization survives).<ref>Rawski, 141-142.</ref>

Once hopes for a [[Ming loyalists|Ming restoration]] faded in the 1670s, Joseon began constructing altars to Ming emperors. [[Song Siyol]] ([[1607]]-[[1689]]) was among the leading Confucian officials who proposed the construction of altars to the [[Wanli Emperor|Wanli]] and [[Chongzhen Emperor]]s to be built, to “symbolize repaying the kindness of the Ming and for implanting… the spirit of ''ch’unch’u taeui'' [春秋大義, C: ''Chūnqiū dàyì''],” a principle of loyalty to the state even while that state is collapsing. A generation later, [[King Sukchong]] continued to support such attitudes, and proposed ritual sacrifices to the Chongzhen Emperor beginning in [[1704]]. However, some factions at court questioned or critiqued such moves, noting that such sacrifices would seem to place the Ming emperors above the King’s own royal ancestors, and further that such sacrifices had no precedent in the established Chinese ritual code. Many officials also protested that only direct descendants of the Ming Imperial family should be making such sacrifices to the Ming imperial ancestors. Still, with the support of students from Korea’s own National Confucian Academy, the altar was created. Originally dedicated to the memory of the Wanli Emperor and called the [[Taebodan]], it was later expanded – under Sukchong’s successor [[King Yongjo]] - to be dedicated to the [[Hongwu Emperor|Hongwu]] and Chongzhen Emperors as well. Yongjo began the tradition of performing ritual sacrifices dedicated to these three emperors (Hongwu, Wanli, and Chongzhen) in [[1749]]. Through these rituals, Yongjo affirmed Joseon as the heir to Ming civilization, with one key saying from the time declaring that “the Central Plains exude the stenches of barbarians and our Green Hills are alone” (i.e. China has fallen to the barbarians, and it is in Korea alone that true civilization survives).<ref>Rawski, 141-142.</ref> Yet, while this notion of Korea as the "small central civilization" (K: ''[[sojunghwa]]''), that is, the only remaining bastion of high Confucian civilization surrounded by uncivilized, or barbarian, regimes, certainly gained strength following the Manchu conquest, it had its roots in the preceding century. As early as [[1574]], Korean officials visiting Beijing reported back that the Ming National Academy (''[[Guozijian]]'') and other centers of Confucian learning were in states of severe disrepair, and that few teachers or students were present.<ref>Jeong-Mi Lee, "Chosŏn Korea as ''Sojunghwa'', the Small Central Civilization," International Christian University Publications 3-A, ''Asian Cultural Studies'' 36 (2010), 313.</ref>

An office called the ''Joseon guó lǐjo'' (朝鮮国礼曹, "Joseon Office of National Rites") oversaw court rituals, ritual music, and foreign relations.<ref>''Chôsen tsûshinshi to Okayama'', Okayama Prefectural Museum (2007), 59.</ref>

An office called the ''Joseon guó lǐjo'' (朝鮮国礼曹, "Joseon Office of National Rites") oversaw court rituals, ritual music, and foreign relations.<ref>''Chôsen tsûshinshi to Okayama'', Okayama Prefectural Museum (2007), 59.</ref>

The Manchus demanded Chosŏn express its loyalty to the Qing in a number of ways: adopting the Qing calendar and Qing reign names; switching the Ming-granted royal seal for a Qing-granted one; and by addressing the Qing in formal communications in the way Chosŏn had previously addressed the Ming (e.g. with terms such as "Heavenly Realm" 天朝, rather than simply "the Qing" 清朝 or 清国, let alone terms referring to the Manchus as "barbarians"). Chosŏn court officials were united in opposing the Manchu invasion, but after their kingdom was defeated, they ultimately agreed to participate in the tribute/investiture relationship, and to many of the associated practices mentioned above. At the same time, however, the fall of the Ming necessitated the development of a Korean identity separated from China. The kingdom could no longer draw legitimacy from (contemporary) China, which had fallen to chaos and to barbarian invaders, but had to find new ways to continue to base its legitimacy in the idea of the Ming. In internal (domestic) documents, Chosŏn continued to employ the Ming calendar, and to refer to the Qing as simply the Qing, or as barbarians; the Court also put into place numerous anti-Qing or Ming loyalist state rituals, which ritually, symbolically, represented loyalty to the Ming, and a view of the Qing as an illegitimate regime.<ref name=rawski139/>

The Manchus demanded Chosŏn express its loyalty to the Qing in a number of ways: adopting the Qing calendar and Qing reign names; switching the Ming-granted royal seal for a Qing-granted one; and by addressing the Qing in formal communications in the way Chosŏn had previously addressed the Ming (e.g. with terms such as "Heavenly Realm" 天朝, rather than simply "the Qing" 清朝 or 清国, let alone terms referring to the Manchus as "barbarians"). Chosŏn court officials were united in opposing the Manchu invasion, but after their kingdom was defeated, they ultimately agreed to participate in the tribute/investiture relationship, and to many of the associated practices mentioned above. At the same time, however, the fall of the Ming necessitated the development of a Korean identity separated from China. The kingdom could no longer draw legitimacy from (contemporary) China, which had fallen to chaos and to barbarian invaders, but had to find new ways to continue to base its legitimacy in the idea of the Ming. In internal (domestic) documents, Chosŏn continued to employ the Ming calendar, and to refer to the Qing as simply the Qing, or as barbarians; the Court also put into place numerous anti-Qing or Ming loyalist state rituals, which ritually, symbolically, represented loyalty to the Ming, and a view of the Qing as an illegitimate regime.<ref name=rawski139/>

While Joseon maintained a policy of [[kaikin|maritime restrictions]] more or less just as strict as that of the Tokugawa shogunate, it was less strict in banning [[Christianity]], and a number of Christian missionaries managed to sneak into Korea from China over the course of the period.<ref>Mitani Hiroshi, David Noble (trans.), ''Escape from Impasse'', International House of Japan (2006), 2.</ref>

While Joseon maintained a policy of [[kaikin|maritime restrictions]] more or less just as strict as that of the Tokugawa shogunate, it was less strict in banning [[Christianity]], and a number of Christian missionaries managed to sneak into Korea from China over the course of the period.<ref>Mitani Hiroshi, David Noble (trans.), ''Escape from Impasse'', International House of Japan (2006), 2.</ref> A Chinese-language translation of the Christian Bible first circulated in Korea beginning in [[1784]].<ref>Gallery labels, National Museum of Korea.[https://www.flickr.com/photos/toranosuke/38951700914/in/photostream/]</ref>

In the 1860s, seeking to protect and continue its traditional [[tribute|tributary]] relationship with [[Qing Dynasty]] China, Korea resisted entering into diplomatic relations in the Western mode with either Western powers, or with the Qing's own Western-style foreign affairs office, the [[Zongli Yamen]].<ref>Hellyer, 236.</ref> When informed in [[1869]] of the [[Meiji Restoration|fall of the Tokugawa shogunate]] and the establishment of a new [[Meiji government|Imperial Japanese government]], the Korean Court chastised the Sô family for its breach of the traditional vassal/tributary relationship, and Japanese-Korean relations soured for several years; after [[Tsushima han|Tsushima]] and the Sô clan were removed from their traditionally special permission, and the [[Meiji government]] more fully took over control of foreign relations, factions within the government [[Seikanron|debated]] in [[1873]]-[[1874]] whether to invade Korea as punishment for its hostile position; in the end, there was no invasion, and several prominent figures in support of the invasion resigned from government. In [[1875]], a Japanese ship requesting aid, food, and water at a Korean port was fired upon in response, and so [[Inoue Kaoru]] and [[Kuroda Kiyotaka]] traveled to Korea on an official mission to address the issue. [[Mori Arinori]] was simultaneously dispatched to China, to seek China's assistance in securing friendly relations with Korea.<ref>[[Marius Jansen]], ''China in the Tokugawa World'', Harvard University Press (1992), 115.</ref>

In the 1860s, seeking to protect and continue its traditional [[tribute|tributary]] relationship with [[Qing Dynasty]] China, Korea resisted entering into diplomatic relations in the Western mode with either Western powers, or with the Qing's own Western-style foreign affairs office, the [[Zongli Yamen]].<ref>Hellyer, 236.</ref> When informed in [[1869]] of the [[Meiji Restoration|fall of the Tokugawa shogunate]] and the establishment of a new [[Meiji government|Imperial Japanese government]], the Korean Court chastised the Sô family for its breach of the traditional vassal/tributary relationship, and Japanese-Korean relations soured for several years; after [[Tsushima han|Tsushima]] and the Sô clan were removed from their traditionally special permission, and the [[Meiji government]] more fully took over control of foreign relations, factions within the government [[Seikanron|debated]] in [[1873]]-[[1874]] whether to invade Korea as punishment for its hostile position; in the end, there was no invasion, and several prominent figures in support of the invasion resigned from government. In [[1875]], a Japanese ship requesting aid, food, and water at a Korean port was fired upon in response, and so [[Inoue Kaoru]] and [[Kuroda Kiyotaka]] traveled to Korea on an official mission to address the issue. [[Mori Arinori]] was simultaneously dispatched to China, to seek China's assistance in securing friendly relations with Korea.<ref>[[Marius Jansen]], ''China in the Tokugawa World'', Harvard University Press (1992), 115.</ref>