Changes

==History==

==History==

===Beginnings===

===Beginnings===

The period is sometimes said to begin in [[1600]], the year of the [[battle of Sekigahara]], in which [[Tokugawa Ieyasu]] eliminated nearly all opposition to his rule. He was officially granted the title "[[Shogun]]" by the Emperor in [[1603]], so the period is sometimes said to begin then, or in [[1615]], following the Tokugawa victory over the [[Toyotomi clan]] in the [[siege of Osaka Castle]], thus finally eliminating the last serious opposition. The population of the archipelago at that time is estimated to have been around 16 million, having grown by ten million since the end of the [[Heian period]] ([[1185]]).<ref>[[Albert M. Craig]], ''The Heritage of Japanese Civilization'', Second Edition, Prentice Hall (2011), 42.</ref>

The period is sometimes said to begin in [[1600]], the year of the [[battle of Sekigahara]], in which [[Tokugawa Ieyasu]] eliminated nearly all opposition to his rule. He was officially granted the title "[[Shogun]]" by the Emperor in [[1603]], so the period is sometimes said to begin then, or in [[1615]], following the Tokugawa victory over the [[Toyotomi clan]] in the [[siege of Osaka Castle]], thus finally eliminating the last serious opposition. The population of the archipelago at that time is estimated to have been around 16 million, having grown by ten million since the end of the [[Heian period]] ([[1185]]).<ref>[[Albert M. Craig]], ''The Heritage of Japanese Civilization'', Second Edition, Prentice Hall (2011), 42.</ref> <!--Elements on nation-building and the shogunate's establishment-->Having defeated the armies of his enemies, and been named Shogun, Tokugawa Ieyasu began the process of establishing the legitimacy and stability of his clan's rule. It was not a rapid process, and many of these policies and structures were put into place by Ieyasu's successors over the course of several decades.

<!--Elements on nation-building and the shogunate's establishment-->Having defeated the armies of his enemies, and been named Shogun, Tokugawa Ieyasu began the process of establishing the legitimacy and stability of his clan's rule. It was not a rapid process, and many of these policies and structures were put into place by Ieyasu's successors over the course of several decades.  

Under Tokugawa rule, Emperors and their courtiers were instructed to devote themselves to ritual, and to maintaining the ancient customs of their ancestors, including literary practices, appreciating nature, and managing estates. Emperors retained a powerful, significant, symbolic role, as the source of all political legitimacy, and the ''[[kokugaku]]'' (National Studies) movement of the 18th-19th centuries revived, or at least renewed emphasis on, notions of the divine origins of the Imperial family. But they would continue to exercise little true political influence until after the fall of the shogunate. Indeed, for much of the Edo period, Emperors barely ever even left the [[Kyoto Imperial Palace|Imperial Palace]].<ref>[[Anne Walthall]], "Introduction: Tracking People in the Past," Walthall (ed.), ''The Human Tradition in Modern Japan'', Scholarly Resources, Inc. (2002), 1, 3.</ref>

Ieyasu divided the [[provinces of Japan]] into several hundred feudal domains, called ''[[han]]''. Some areas, including [[Edo]], [[Kyoto]], [[Nagasaki]], and [[Osaka]] after its fall in 1615, were administered directly by shogunal representatives called ''[[Shoshi-dai]]'' in Kyoto and ''[[Machi bugyo|Machi bugyô]]'' in the other cities. [[Nara]], [[Sunpu]], [[Nikko|Nikkô]] were also among the cities administered in this way<ref>Sansom, George. ''A History of Japan 1615-1867''. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1963</ref>, with the port of [[Niigata]] joining them in [[1843]].<ref>Hellyer, 139.</ref> The ''han'' were then divided among members of the Tokugawa family, Tokugawa retainers, and other clan heads, who thus became ''[[daimyo|daimyô]]''. This patchwork of shogunal, domainal, ''hatamoto'', Imperial, and religious lands covered the entire archipelago. In each locale, peasants and commoners paid taxes only to the one authority that controlled that territory, whether it be a ''daimyô'' house, the shogunate, or a religious institution. The shogunate only collected taxes from its own territory, the ''tenryô'', and did not gain any tax revenues directly from the ''daimyô'' or their domains; rather, what the shogunate got from the ''daimyô'' domains was service, in the form of corvée labor, funds and materials for construction projects, and formal attendance in the form of ''[[sankin kotai|sankin kôtai]]''.

Ieyasu divided the [[provinces of Japan]] into several hundred feudal domains, called ''[[han]]''. Some areas, including [[Edo]], [[Kyoto]], [[Nagasaki]], and [[Osaka]] after its fall in 1615, were administered directly by shogunal representatives called ''[[Shoshi-dai]]'' in Kyoto and ''[[Machi bugyo|Machi bugyô]]'' in the other cities. [[Nara]], [[Sunpu]], [[Nikko|Nikkô]] were also among the cities administered in this way<ref>Sansom, George. ''A History of Japan 1615-1867''. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1963</ref>, with the port of [[Niigata]] joining them in [[1843]].<ref>Hellyer, 139.</ref> The ''han'' were then divided among members of the Tokugawa family, Tokugawa retainers, and other clan heads, who thus became ''[[daimyo|daimyô]]''. This patchwork of shogunal, domainal, ''hatamoto'', Imperial, and religious lands covered the entire archipelago. In each locale, peasants and commoners paid taxes only to the one authority that controlled that territory, whether it be a ''daimyô'' house, the shogunate, or a religious institution. The shogunate only collected taxes from its own territory, the ''tenryô'', and did not gain any tax revenues directly from the ''daimyô'' or their domains; rather, what the shogunate got from the ''daimyô'' domains was service, in the form of corvée labor, funds and materials for construction projects, and formal attendance in the form of ''[[sankin kotai|sankin kôtai]]''.

The implementation of Tokugawa structures took time, of course, to spread across the archipelago, and it was not until the 1650s in many areas that the social status groups and other political and social structures articulated or imagined by the Tokugawa authorities (and by historians of the Tokugawa period today) could be seen. Land surveys originally ordered by Toyotomi Hideyoshi were also not implemented in many areas of Tôhoku and the Sea of Japan coast until several decades into Tokugawa rule.<ref name=stanley26>Amy Stanley, ''Selling Women: Prostitution, Markets, and the Household in Early Modern Japan'', UC Press (2012), 26.</ref>

The implementation of Tokugawa structures took time, of course, to spread across the archipelago, and it was not until the 1650s in many areas that the social status groups and other political and social structures articulated or imagined by the Tokugawa authorities (and by historians of the Tokugawa period today) could be seen. Land surveys originally ordered by Toyotomi Hideyoshi were also not implemented in many areas of Tôhoku and the Sea of Japan coast until several decades into Tokugawa rule.<ref name=stanley26>Amy Stanley, ''Selling Women: Prostitution, Markets, and the Household in Early Modern Japan'', UC Press (2012), 26.</ref>

<!--Shimabara Rebellion, and perhaps further discussion of Christian influence and bans-->

*Shimabara Rebellion, and perhaps further discussion of Christian influence and bans

<!--Expansion of roads and communications, economic growth, agricultural intensification, emergence of merchant class, merchant organizations (guilds), rice brokers (banks), export of silver and copper, urbanization-->

*Expansion of roads and communications, economic growth, agricultural intensification, emergence of merchant class, merchant organizations (guilds), rice brokers (banks), export of silver and copper, urbanization

The 17th century was a period of fantastic economic growth and development for Japan, as the foundations were laid for the nation's economic infrastructure. Japan had very few true "cities" of any significant size prior to 1570 or so, but castle towns began to grow up around that time, and by 1700, Japan had some of the largest cities in the world. In 1700, the population of Edo is said to have been around one million people, with Osaka and Kyoto each boasting 300,000, and the castle towns of [[Nagoya]] and [[Kanazawa]] each home to roughly 100,000. In total, the 260 or so [[jokamachi|castle towns]] in the realm were home to around 10 percent of the total population of the islands,<ref>Arne Kalland, ''Fishing Villages in Tokugawa Japan'', University of Hawaii Press (1995), 18.</ref>, rising to around 22% later in the 18th century,<ref>Kenneth Pomeranz, ''The Great Divergence'', Princeton University Press (2000), 35.</ref> and making Japan one of the most urbanized societies in the world, alongside only England/Wales and the Netherlands. Some scholars have even suggested that Japan's dramatic process of urbanization in this period may have been unprecedented among any pre-industrial society in history.<ref name=eiko35/> Osaka, Edo, and to a lesser extent Kyoto emerged as major commercial centers over the course of the period, and extensive transportation networks formed, shipping goods by road, river, and sea across the entire country. The primary thoroughfare on land was the [[Tokaido|Tôkaidô]], connecting Edo and Kyoto. By the end of the 17th century, at least twenty-four shipping companies were operating out of Osaka, transporting goods to and from Edo.

The 17th century was a period of fantastic economic growth and development for Japan, as the foundations were laid for the nation's economic infrastructure. Japan had very few true "cities" of any significant size prior to 1570 or so, but castle towns began to grow up around that time, and by 1700, Japan had some of the largest cities in the world. In 1700, the population of Edo is said to have been around one million people, with Osaka and Kyoto each boasting 300,000, and the castle towns of [[Nagoya]] and [[Kanazawa]] each home to roughly 100,000. The cities of [[Sakai]] and Nagasaki were each home to around 50,000.<ref>''Bezaisen to santo'' 「弁才船と三都」、Asahi hyakka Nihon rekishi 62, p7-46.</ref> In total, the 260 or so [[jokamachi|castle towns]] in the realm were home to around 10 percent of the total population of the islands,<ref>Arne Kalland, ''Fishing Villages in Tokugawa Japan'', University of Hawaii Press (1995), 18.</ref>, rising to around 22% later in the 18th century,<ref>Kenneth Pomeranz, ''The Great Divergence'', Princeton University Press (2000), 35.</ref> and making Japan one of the most urbanized societies in the world, alongside only England/Wales and the Netherlands. Some scholars have even suggested that Japan's dramatic process of urbanization in this period may have been unprecedented among any pre-industrial society in history.<ref name=eiko35/> Osaka, Edo, and to a lesser extent Kyoto emerged as major commercial centers over the course of the period, and extensive transportation networks formed, shipping goods by road, river, and sea across the entire country. The primary thoroughfare on land was the [[Tokaido|Tôkaidô]], connecting Edo and Kyoto. By the end of the 17th century, at least twenty-four shipping companies were operating out of Osaka, transporting goods to and from Edo.

Guilds also grew more numerous and more organized in this period, further expanding the organization of the economy as a whole. The medieval ''[[za]]'' were transformed into ''[[kabunakama]]'', groups of merchants or artisans in a given specialty who were granted licenses by the shogunate to engage in a given type of work. Many merchants in the major ports of Nagasaki, Kagoshima, and Tsushima formed relations with shippers and warehousers called ''[[tonya]]'', who organized the transport, storage, and handling of goods shipped from these ports to the markets of Osaka and Edo.  

Guilds also grew more numerous and more organized in this period, further expanding the organization of the economy as a whole. The medieval ''[[za]]'' were transformed into ''[[kabunakama]]'', groups of merchants or artisans in a given specialty who were granted licenses by the shogunate to engage in a given type of work. Many merchants in the major ports of Nagasaki, Kagoshima, and Tsushima formed relations with shippers and warehousers called ''[[tonya]]'', who organized the transport, storage, and handling of goods shipped from these ports to the markets of Osaka and Edo.  

In addition, [[rice brokers]], forerunners to a modern banking system, came to prominence at this time in Osaka, and were among the first futures exchanges in the world. Brokers took ''[[koku]]'' of rice from samurai, who were paid their stipends in that form, either paying the samurai in coin or holding onto the rice as a bank would, and issuing paper bills, representations of value. The brokers would then make loans of this rice to others, at high rates of interest. Networks of rice brokers across the country, acting as branch operations of the central exchange in Osaka, helped to ensure that samurai could have access to their funds wherever it was needed. The central exchange in Osaka, at [[Dojima Rice Exchange|Dôjima]], was organized in 1697 and formally sanctioned and supported by the shogunate beginning in 1773.

In addition, [[rice brokers]], forerunners to a modern banking system, came to prominence at this time in Osaka, and were among the first futures exchanges in the world. Brokers took ''[[koku]]'' of rice from samurai, who were paid their stipends in that form, either paying the samurai in coin or holding onto the rice as a bank would, and issuing paper bills, representations of value. The brokers would then make loans of this rice to others, at high rates of interest. Networks of rice brokers across the country, acting as branch operations of the central exchange in Osaka, helped to ensure that samurai could have access to their funds wherever it was needed. The central exchange in Osaka, at [[Dojima Rice Exchange|Dôjima]], was organized in 1697 and formally sanctioned and supported by the shogunate beginning in 1773.

In short, a wide variety of economic developments combined in this period with the widespread reclamation of land for agricultural purposes, and the intensification of agricultural production to create a powerful trend of growth over the 17th century. Land reclamation took place chiefly in the [[Tohoku|northeastern]] and southwestern parts of the archipelago, which had been relatively undeveloped until then. Over the course of the 16th-17th centuries, the total arable land in Japan is believed to have nearly tripled,<ref name=eiko35>[[Eiko Ikegami]], ''Bonds of Civility'', Cambridge University Press (2005), 35.</ref> and in the 17th century alone, the total agricultural production of the archipelago is believed to have increased by about 40%, from 18 million ''koku'' to 25 million, in large part due to expanded use of fertilizer, improved tools and techniques, and practices such as double and triple cropping.<ref>Ravina, ''Land and Lordship'', 7.</ref> This growth slowed considerably after the turn of the century, however, leading to a long period of stasis and relative prosperity.

In short, a wide variety of economic developments combined in this period with the widespread reclamation of land for agricultural purposes, and the intensification of agricultural production to create a powerful trend of growth over the 17th century, which Hayami Akira called Japan's "industrious revolution."<ref>Hayami Akira, ''Population, Family, and Society in Pre-Modern Japan'', Leiden: Global Oriental (2009).</ref> Land reclamation took place chiefly in the [[Tohoku|northeastern]] and southwestern parts of the archipelago, which had been relatively undeveloped until then. Over the course of the 16th-17th centuries, the total arable land in Japan is believed to have nearly tripled,<ref name=eiko35>[[Eiko Ikegami]], ''Bonds of Civility'', Cambridge University Press (2005), 35.</ref> and in the 17th century alone, the total agricultural production of the archipelago is believed to have increased by about 40%, from 18 million ''koku'' to 25 million, in large part due to expanded use of fertilizer, improved tools and techniques, and practices such as double and triple cropping.<ref>Ravina, ''Land and Lordship'', 7.</ref> This growth slowed considerably after the turn of the century, however, leading to a long period of stasis and relative prosperity.

===Genroku===

===Genroku===

The period of the shogunate's decline and fall is known as the [[Bakumatsu period]], which is typically said to begin in [[1853]], with the arrival of Commodore [[Matthew Perry]] and the [[Black Ships]]. Though most of the Western powers had similar interests in Japan, and similar geographic position of bases, colonies, or trade routes in East Asia and/or the Pacific, it has been argued that it was the acquisition of California in [[1848]] and the desire for a refueling station conveniently located between [[San Francisco]] and [[Shanghai]] that contributed to the US being the one to put sufficient force behind the effort to make it successful.<ref name=brief161>Schirokauer et al., 161-162.</ref>

The period of the shogunate's decline and fall is known as the [[Bakumatsu period]], which is typically said to begin in [[1853]], with the arrival of Commodore [[Matthew Perry]] and the [[Black Ships]]. Though most of the Western powers had similar interests in Japan, and similar geographic position of bases, colonies, or trade routes in East Asia and/or the Pacific, it has been argued that it was the acquisition of California in [[1848]] and the desire for a refueling station conveniently located between [[San Francisco]] and [[Shanghai]] that contributed to the US being the one to put sufficient force behind the effort to make it successful.<ref name=brief161>Schirokauer et al., 161-162.</ref>

Perry arrived in Japan in July 1853 with four ships, then returned in February the following year in a fleet of eight ships. The [[Convention of Kanagawa]] signed at that time opened the ports of [[Hakodate]] and [[Shimoda]] to American ships, obligated the Japanese authorities to provide good treatment for shipwrecked sailors throughout Japan, and arranged for the establishment of formal relations in the Western mode, with an American consul to be sent to Japan soon afterwards. Japan concluded similar [[Unequal Treaties]] with France and England in [[1855]], and with Russia and the Netherlands in [[1857]]. That first American consul, [[Townsend Harris]], arrived in Japan in [[1856]], and soon afterwards concluded the Treaty of Amity and Commerce, also known as the [[Harris Treaty]], which secured further benefits for the US; similar treaties were then signed between Japan and a number of the chief European powers.<ref name=brief161/>

Perry arrived in Japan in July 1853 with four ships, then returned in February the following year in a fleet of eight ships. The [[Convention of Kanagawa]] signed at that time opened the ports of [[Hakodate]] and [[Shimoda]] to American ships, obligated the Japanese authorities to provide good treatment for shipwrecked sailors throughout Japan, and arranged for the establishment of formal relations in the Western mode, with an American consul to be sent to Japan soon afterwards. Japan concluded similar [[Unequal Treaties]] with France and England in [[1855]], and with Russia and the Netherlands in [[1857]]. That first American consul, [[Townsend Harris]], arrived in Japan in [[1856]], and soon afterwards concluded the Treaty of Amity and Commerce, also known as the [[Harris Treaty]], which secured further benefits for the US; similar treaties were then signed between Japan and a number of the chief European powers.<ref name=brief161/><!--Please expand. As there are (or will be) separate articles for Bakumatsu, Meiji Restoration, etc, there is no need for an extremely extensive, thorough, or detailed treatment here, but all the key points should be covered.-->

 

<!--Please expand. As there are (or will be) separate articles for Bakumatsu, Meiji Restoration, etc, there is no need for an extremely extensive, thorough, or detailed treatment here, but all the key points should be covered.-->

The Edo period came to a close in January 1868, when Shogun [[Tokugawa Yoshinobu]] voluntarily resigned his position and ended the shogunate in the [[Meiji Restoration]].

The Edo period came to a close in January 1868, when Shogun [[Tokugawa Yoshinobu]] voluntarily resigned his position and ended the shogunate in the [[Meiji Restoration]].

Saitô Osamu identifies the 1820s as marking the key turning point in the significant shift in the Japanese economy from agriculture to proto-industrialization, in which local operations in both rural and urban areas began to focus on the more specialized production of specific goods expressly for the purpose of selling them in distant markets (i.e. in the big cities, and/or into the broader nationwide commercial networks). Trade networks had grown more and more integrated over the course of the period, reaching even into many rural provincial parts of the country, and so by the 1820s, not only did rural and provincial consumers have regular access to a wide variety of goods both imported and domestic, but they were also able to more intensively focus their own production efforts on a given product, selling it into these commercial networks, and being able to buy enough food and other goods to live on, in return.<ref>Hellyer, 117.</ref> While much proto-industrialization and by-employments occurred within communities, or even within homes, for example where women spun, wove, or dyed cloth at home in addition to agricultural activity, commercial / capitalistic developments also took place in the form of people relocating across considerable distances in the off-season. Farmers from some of the smaller, more outlying islands in the [[Inland Sea]], for example, are known to have worked in [[sake|saké]] breweries elsewhere in the archipelago, or on [[whaling]] ships in the [[Sea of Japan]], during the off-seasons. Activities such as these, as well as the more standard forms of commercial activity (e.g. port-based storage & shipping activities connecting the local into translocal commercial networks) made people more dependent on wages and prices in distant regions than upon communal inter-dependency within their own local communities, constituting, [[David Howell]] argues, a key marker of a commercialized/capitalist economy. Still, Howell also warns us against assuming that "economic growth" equates to improved quality of life for all involved; while many who took on by-employments may have been well-off enough to begin with, and were simply seeking to further enhance their prosperity, for many others, it is safe to assume they felt they had no choice but to take on by-employments, sometimes even at great distances from their hometowns, just in order to get by.<ref>Martin Dusinberre, ''Hard Times in the Hometown: A History of Community Survival in Modern Japan'', University of Hawaii Press (2012), 191-192, citing David Howell, ''Capitalism from Within: Economy, Society, and the State in a Japanese Fishery'', University of California Press (1995), 7-8.</ref>

Saitô Osamu identifies the 1820s as marking the key turning point in the significant shift in the Japanese economy from agriculture to proto-industrialization, in which local operations in both rural and urban areas began to focus on the more specialized production of specific goods expressly for the purpose of selling them in distant markets (i.e. in the big cities, and/or into the broader nationwide commercial networks). Trade networks had grown more and more integrated over the course of the period, reaching even into many rural provincial parts of the country, and so by the 1820s, not only did rural and provincial consumers have regular access to a wide variety of goods both imported and domestic, but they were also able to more intensively focus their own production efforts on a given product, selling it into these commercial networks, and being able to buy enough food and other goods to live on, in return.<ref>Hellyer, 117.</ref> While much proto-industrialization and by-employments occurred within communities, or even within homes, for example where women spun, wove, or dyed cloth at home in addition to agricultural activity, commercial / capitalistic developments also took place in the form of people relocating across considerable distances in the off-season. Farmers from some of the smaller, more outlying islands in the [[Inland Sea]], for example, are known to have worked in [[sake|saké]] breweries elsewhere in the archipelago, or on [[whaling]] ships in the [[Sea of Japan]], during the off-seasons. Activities such as these, as well as the more standard forms of commercial activity (e.g. port-based storage & shipping activities connecting the local into translocal commercial networks) made people more dependent on wages and prices in distant regions than upon communal inter-dependency within their own local communities, constituting, [[David Howell]] argues, a key marker of a commercialized/capitalist economy. Still, Howell also warns us against assuming that "economic growth" equates to improved quality of life for all involved; while many who took on by-employments may have been well-off enough to begin with, and were simply seeking to further enhance their prosperity, for many others, it is safe to assume they felt they had no choice but to take on by-employments, sometimes even at great distances from their hometowns, just in order to get by.<ref>Martin Dusinberre, ''Hard Times in the Hometown: A History of Community Survival in Modern Japan'', University of Hawaii Press (2012), 191-192, citing David Howell, ''Capitalism from Within: Economy, Society, and the State in a Japanese Fishery'', University of California Press (1995), 7-8.</ref>

Many rural areas, particularly in coastal areas, also grew over the course of the 18th and into the 19th centuries, becoming more prosperous and more interconnected, transforming from mere fishing villages or merely locally active ports into more prominent regional ports. As storage & shipping agents (''[[tonya|ton'ya]]'') in these rural areas began to compete against those located in the more major cities, merchant shippers turned away from the urban ''ton'ya'', to rely more heavily on those in smaller towns charging lower fees. In just the few decades between the 1750s and the 1780s, the number of ships putting in at [[Okayama]], for example, dropped by a third, as many of them began to instead offload their goods at smaller harbors in the area. Similarly, the town of [[Kaminoseki]] in [[Suo province|Suô province]], a fishing village and harbor of local significance which grew to more prominence over the course of the Edo period, was by the 1840s home to warehouses storing just about every major type of goods that passed through the [[Inland Sea]], from [[kombu|kelp]] to [[lacquerwares]], [[timber]], [[cotton]], [[tea]], [[salt]], and [[sugar]].<ref>Dusinberre, 32.</ref>

Many rural areas, particularly in coastal areas, also grew over the course of the 18th and into the 19th centuries, becoming more prosperous and more interconnected, transforming from mere fishing villages or merely locally active ports into more prominent regional ports. As storage & shipping agents (''[[tonya|ton'ya]]'') in these rural areas began to compete against those located in the more major cities, merchant shippers turned away from the urban ''ton'ya'', to rely more heavily on those in smaller towns charging lower fees. In just the few decades between the 1750s and the 1780s, the number of ships putting in at [[Okayama]], for example, dropped by a third, as many of them began to instead offload their goods at smaller harbors in the area. Similarly, the town of [[Kaminoseki]] in [[Suo province|Suô province]], a fishing village and harbor of local significance which grew to more prominence over the course of the Edo period, was by the 1840s home to warehouses storing just about every major type of goods that passed through the [[Inland Sea]], from [[kombu|kelp]] to [[lacquerware]]s, [[timber]], [[cotton]], [[tea]], [[salt]], and [[sugar]].<ref>Dusinberre, 32.</ref>

Textiles were perhaps at the center of Japan's proto-industrial economic growth over the course of the Edo period. Cotton came to replace ramie (hemp cloth) as the predominant fabric worn by commoners, and weaving and dyeing, among other stages of the textile production process, came to be among the most prominent instances of cottage industry - what has also been termed the "putting out system" - bringing proto-industrial production work to many rural areas and linking growers, weavers, dyers, wholesalers, and retailers in trade networks spanning the entire archipelago. In 1736, the amount of textiles coming into [[Osaka]] from these various rural production areas included 44.6% cotton, 14.2% [[Nishijin]] (Kyoto) silks, 12.1% other silks, 9.5% imported Chinese cloth, and 9.4% hemp/ramie, altogether totalling 12,000 ''kan'' of silver worth of goods.<ref>Ikegami, 284.</ref>

Textiles were perhaps at the center of Japan's proto-industrial economic growth over the course of the Edo period. Cotton came to replace ramie (hemp cloth) as the predominant fabric worn by commoners, and weaving and dyeing, among other stages of the textile production process, came to be among the most prominent instances of cottage industry - what has also been termed the "putting out system" - bringing proto-industrial production work to many rural areas and linking growers, weavers, dyers, wholesalers, and retailers in trade networks spanning the entire archipelago. In 1736, the amount of textiles coming into [[Osaka]] from these various rural production areas included 44.6% cotton, 14.2% [[Nishijin]] (Kyoto) silks, 12.1% other silks, 9.5% imported Chinese cloth, and 9.4% hemp/ramie, altogether totalling 12,000 ''kan'' of silver worth of goods.<ref>Ikegami, 284.</ref>

===Popular Culture===

===Arts & Popular Culture===

Many aspects of Japanese culture which are today stereotypically considered to be quite "traditional" in fact had their start in the Edo period. [[Kabuki]] and ''[[joruri|jôruri]]'' puppet theatre (also known as ''bunraku'') developed over the course of the 17th century, reaching their climax around 1690-1750. ''[[Ukiyo-e]]'', or "pictures of the floating world", developed over the course of the 17th century, emerging in earnest in the Genroku period<ref>Lane, Richard. ''Images from the Floating World.'' Old Saybrook, CT: Konecky & Konecky, 1978. pp11-34ff.</ref>; but full-color prints did not appear until [[1765]]<ref>Lane. pp308-9</ref>.

Many aspects of Japanese culture which are today stereotypically considered to be quite "traditional" in fact had their start in the Edo period. [[Kabuki]] and ''[[joruri|jôruri]]'' puppet theatre (also known as ''bunraku'') developed over the course of the 17th century, reaching their climax around 1690-1750. ''[[Ukiyo-e]]'', or "pictures of the floating world", developed over the course of the 17th century, emerging in earnest in the Genroku period<ref>Lane, Richard. ''Images from the Floating World.'' Old Saybrook, CT: Konecky & Konecky, 1978. pp11-34ff.</ref>; but full-color prints did not appear until [[1765]]<ref>Lane. pp308-9</ref>. Whereas non-religious printing was extremely minimal prior to the Edo period, over the course of the period [[printing and publishing]] quickly became a massive and prominent element of everyday life, at least in the urban areas, with thousands upon thousands of different books and prints being produced, often in print runs in the thousands of copies, and widely circulated not only in the urban areas but throughout the archipelago.

 

 

While some of the most major schools of painting, such as the [[Kano school|Kanô school]], [[Tosa school]], and [[Rinpa]], had their start in the late Sengoku, all of these developed much further into their "mature" "traditional" forms in the Edo period. A decrease in the price of brushes, paper, ink, and other materials in the late Edo period, and the rise of a culture of personal hobbies and artistic circles, combined to also allow for the growth of amateur and commercial painting.<ref>Tomizawa Tatsuzô 富澤達三, ""Bushi ga egaita Edo no hanka" 「武士が描いた江戸の繁華」. ''Nihon kinsei seikatsu ehiki: Ryûkyûjin gyôretsu to Edo hen'' 日本近世生活絵引：琉球人行列と江戸編、Research Center for Nonwritten Cultural Materials, Institute for the Study of Japanese Folk Culture, Kanagawa University 神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所非文字資料研究センター (2020), 181.</ref> Today, the vast majority of famous Japanese painters and paintings date to the Edo period. [[Pottery]], similarly, had major infusions of new styles and techniques in the 1590s as Hideyoshi's armies brought kidnapped artisans from Korea, but numerous regional styles which trace their origins to those Korean potters only developed into their more "mature" "traditional" forms over the course of the Edo period. [[Shamisen]] music, too, was first introduced in the mid-to-late 16th century, but the various styles and schools of ''[[kouta]]'', ''[[nagauta]]'', ''[[jiuta]]'', ''gidayû bushi'', ''kiyomoto bushi'', ''tokiwazu bushi'', and ''[[tsugaru jamisen]]'' which accompany geisha dances, bunraku and kabuki theatre, and so forth, or which are played alone, only developed in the Edo period.

The [[Yoshiwara]] and other realms of the courtesans likewise did not appear until the Edo period, and developed over the course of the period from a simple place for prostitution into the highly romanticized and ritualized subject of countless works of art and literature, both contemporary and modern.

The wide circulation of books, along with the increased accessibility of travel, density of urban spaces, increased economic prosperity (for some), and other developments combined also to create a very lively cultural life for many in both the larger cities and elsewhere in the realm. In the large cities of Edo, Kyoto, and Osaka in particular, social circles organized around cultural pursuits became a major site not only of socialization and the kind of interpersonal networking that Eiko Ikegami emphasizes as playing the important socio-political role of "publics," but were also sites of cultural development and spread. Poetry, dance, shamisen and [[koto]] music, [[ikebana]], [[tea ceremony]], amateur [[Noh]] chanting, and many other "polite arts" or "arts of play" (''yûgei'')<ref>Rebecca Corbett, ''Cultivating Femininity: Women and Tea Culture in Edo and Meiji Japan'', University of Hawaii Press (2018), 51.</ref> became much more popularly (i.e. among commoners) widespread during this period, where previously they had been restricted to the realms of elite patronage. Teachers traveled and offered lessons, running large workshops on a weekly or monthly basis and seeing students regularly for private lessons, just as teachers of such traditional arts might do today; relatively affordable woodblock-printed books also circulated which allowed people to teach themselves, or to at least be aware of these arts. Countless schools of traditional arts surely owe their survival, if not their origins, to this popular explosion of interest in cultural pursuits.<ref>Ikegami, ''Bonds of Civility''.</ref>

The samurai, meanwhile, patronized and pursued a number of "elite" artistic forms which matured or blossomed in this period. Samurai retained their swords, which became a prime marker of their samurai status, and various martial ideals remained core elements of the ideology of samurai identity. However, the samurai were no longer true warriors, and their martial identity became a more abstract, conceptual one; within a few generations, a samurai's training in martial arts, for example, was no longer truly a matter of practical skills applicable to an actual encounter, but was more a matter of art, correct form, discipline, and spiritual focus, or, as one scholar has written, "a matter of formal gymnastics and disciplined choreography."<ref>Schirokauer, et al., 136.</ref> ''[[Bushido|Bushidô]]'', or the "Way of the Warrior", was likewise codified and established in the Edo period. Though it certainly drew upon earlier notions of honor, loyalty, and a particular code of ethics, the concept only truly coalesced in this period. [[Tsuramoto Tashiro]], the compiler of the ''[[Hagakure]]'', along with [[Miyamoto Musashi]], [[Yagyu Jubei|Yagyû Jûbei]], and many other great philosophers of the warrior code lived during this period. In securing, or honing, their position as the elite class, the samurai embraced a variety of arts, including painting, calligraphy, certain forms of pottery arts, [[tea ceremony]], and [[Noh]] theatre, as well as ideologies of refinement, including [[Neo-Confucianism|Confucianism]] and the notion of pursuing or perfecting a balance between ''bun'' (the literary) and ''bu'' (the martial).

The samurai, meanwhile, patronized and pursued a number of "elite" artistic forms which matured or blossomed in this period. Samurai retained their swords, which became a prime marker of their samurai status, and various martial ideals remained core elements of the ideology of samurai identity. However, the samurai were no longer true warriors, and their martial identity became a more abstract, conceptual one; within a few generations, a samurai's training in martial arts, for example, was no longer truly a matter of practical skills applicable to an actual encounter, but was more a matter of art, correct form, discipline, and spiritual focus, or, as one scholar has written, "a matter of formal gymnastics and disciplined choreography."<ref>Schirokauer, et al., 136.</ref> Certain notions of the "Way of the Warrior" were likewise codified and established in the Edo period. Though it certainly drew upon earlier notions of honor, loyalty, and a particular code of ethics, the concept only truly coalesced in this period. [[Tsuramoto Tashiro]], the compiler of the ''[[Hagakure]]'', along with [[Miyamoto Musashi]], [[Yagyu Jubei|Yagyû Jûbei]], and many other great philosophers of the warrior code lived during this period. In securing, or honing, their position as the elite class, the samurai embraced a variety of arts, including painting, calligraphy, certain forms of pottery arts, [[tea ceremony]], and [[Noh]] theatre, as well as ideologies of refinement, including [[Neo-Confucianism|Confucianism]] and the notion of pursuing or perfecting a balance between ''bun'' (the literary) and ''bu'' (the martial). Still, the concept remained vague enough, not too widespread or well-established in any single agreed-upon version, that [[Nitobe Inazo|Nitobe Inazô]] was able to believe he was coining the word "''[[bushido|bushidô]]''" in [[1900]].

*ukiyo-e, urbanization, kabuki & bunraku, kibyoshi/sharebon, pleasure quarters (Yoshiwara)

*ukiyo-e, urbanization, kabuki & bunraku, kibyoshi/sharebon, pleasure quarters (Yoshiwara)

Tokugawa official Neo-Confucianism dictated that if everyone were to perform their proper role in society, all would fall into place, and prosperity would result. To that end, the shogunate, as well as the ''daimyô'' and other authorities, repeatedly issued sumptuary laws and the like, mandating people to behave in accordance with their station. In reality, however, there was much crossover between statuses, as wealthy merchants bought lavish things, poor samurai struggled to afford to keep up the appearances expected of their status, and so forth. Unemployed and underemployed samurai regularly attended kabuki, the pleasure quarters, and other low-class entertainments despite it being forbidden for them, and people of all classes mingled with one another within artistic and cultural contexts.

Tokugawa official Neo-Confucianism dictated that if everyone were to perform their proper role in society, all would fall into place, and prosperity would result. To that end, the shogunate, as well as the ''daimyô'' and other authorities, repeatedly issued sumptuary laws and the like, mandating people to behave in accordance with their station. In reality, however, there was much crossover between statuses, as wealthy merchants bought lavish things, poor samurai struggled to afford to keep up the appearances expected of their status, and so forth. Unemployed and underemployed samurai regularly attended kabuki, the pleasure quarters, and other low-class entertainments despite it being forbidden for them, and people of all classes mingled with one another within artistic and cultural contexts.

Samurai earned their incomes as stipends paid by their lords in fixed amounts of rice (measured in ''[[koku]]''). Roughly 80% of ''daimyô'' were paying out stipends to their retainers by 1700, and roughly 90% of samurai were reliant on such stipends by 1800, with only ten percent earning their incomes more directly, locally.<ref name=brief133/> This latter group, in many cases, earned their incomes more directly on account of being subinfeudated with their own sub-domains. Though most ''han'' eliminated sub-fiefs and turned all their retainers over to stipends during the 17th century, some, such as [[Tosa han]], allowed as many as 400 senior retainers to maintain their own sub-fiefs as late as the beginning of the Meiji period; those men levied taxes on the peasants on their lands and received incomes directly in that manner.<ref>Roberts, ''Mercantilism'', 89-90.</ref> As stipends were not reassessed and rarely increased (without a promotion in rank or position), by the late Edo period, many samurai became impoverished, even as many members of the commoner townsman class (''[[chonin|chônin]]'') became wealthier and wealthier, earning their incomes off economic activity (i.e. manufacture and trade).

Samurai earned their incomes as stipends paid by their lords in fixed amounts of rice (measured in ''[[koku]]''). Roughly 80% of ''daimyô'' were paying out stipends to their retainers by 1700, and roughly 90% of samurai were reliant on such stipends by 1800, with only ten percent earning their incomes more directly, locally.<ref name=brief133/> This latter group, in many cases, earned their incomes more directly on account of being subinfeudated with their own sub-domains. Though most ''han'' eliminated sub-fiefs and turned all their retainers over to stipends during the 17th century, some, such as [[Tosa han]], allowed as many as 400 senior retainers to maintain their own sub-fiefs as late as the beginning of the Meiji period; those men levied taxes on the peasants on their lands and received incomes directly in that manner.<ref>Roberts, ''Mercantilism'', 89-90.</ref> As stipends were not reassessed and rarely increased (without a promotion in rank or position), by the late Edo period, many samurai became impoverished, even as many members of the commoner townsman class (''[[chonin|chônin]]'') became wealthier and wealthier, earning their incomes off economic activity (i.e. manufacture and trade). As evocatively worded by one scholar, "the samurai were not dissatisfied with the premises of a social system in which, after all, they formed the ruling class, but they were enraged by the discrepancy between the theoretical elevation of their status and the reality of their poverty."<ref>Schirokauer, et. al., 154.</ref>

According to some sources, the flattening of population growth in the 18th to early 19th centuries was caused largely by the maxing-out of agricultural lands, and of the production possible with the technology available at that time. With agricultural production static, many peasant families turned to limiting the size of their households in order to maintain or raise their quality of living. Rural households in at least one domain shrank from an average of 7 family members to 4.25 over the course of the period; infanticide, known as ''mabiki'' after the practice of thinning rice crops within a paddy, was widely practiced.<ref name=craig79/> Whether because of infanticide, hunger, or disease, throughout the archipelago, even among elites, more than fifty percent of children died before the age of five.<ref>[[Anne Walthall]], "Introduction: Tracking People in the Past," Walthall (ed.), ''The Human Tradition in Modern Japan'', Scholarly Resources, Inc. (2002), xv.</ref>

According to some sources, the flattening of population growth in the 18th to early 19th centuries was caused largely by the maxing-out of agricultural lands, and of the production possible with the technology available at that time. With agricultural production static, many peasant families turned to limiting the size of their households in order to maintain or raise their quality of living. Rural households in at least one domain shrank from an average of 7 family members to 4.25 over the course of the period; infanticide, known as ''mabiki'' after the practice of thinning rice crops within a paddy, was widely practiced.<ref name=craig79/> Whether because of infanticide, hunger, or disease, throughout the archipelago, even among elites, more than fifty percent of children died before the age of five.<ref>[[Anne Walthall]], "Introduction: Tracking People in the Past," Walthall (ed.), ''The Human Tradition in Modern Japan'', Scholarly Resources, Inc. (2002), xv.</ref>