Changes

King Shô Shin (r. [[1477]]-[[1526]]) is often said to have ruled over a golden age for the kingdom. He solidified and strengthened the power of the king (and of the central royal government more generally), both practically and ideologically. Areas outside of Shuri had previously been ruled by ''anji'', local/regional rulers akin perhaps to feudal lords, with considerable power and autonomy within their lands. Under Shô Shin's predecessors, and especially under Chûzan prior to the unification of the island, ''anji'' wielded considerable power, occasionally even toppling and replacing kings.<ref>As is believed to have happened at least once in Nanzan, as indicated in the ''Ming Taizong shilu''. Chan, 25-26.</ref> The ''anji'' were not fully secure in their power, however, as local elites beneath them could also overthrow their ''anji'' when they perceived him to be politically or spiritually weak; priestesses also wielded considerable local political power.<ref>Chan, 25-26.</ref>

King Shô Shin (r. [[1477]]-[[1526]]) is often said to have ruled over a golden age for the kingdom. He solidified and strengthened the power of the king (and of the central royal government more generally), both practically and ideologically. Areas outside of Shuri had previously been ruled by ''anji'', local/regional rulers akin perhaps to feudal lords, with considerable power and autonomy within their lands. Under Shô Shin's predecessors, and especially under Chûzan prior to the unification of the island, ''anji'' wielded considerable power, occasionally even toppling and replacing kings.<ref>As is believed to have happened at least once in Nanzan, as indicated in the ''Ming Taizong shilu''. Chan, 25-26.</ref> The ''anji'' were not fully secure in their power, however, as local elites beneath them could also overthrow their ''anji'' when they perceived him to be politically or spiritually weak; priestesses also wielded considerable local political power.<ref>Chan, 25-26.</ref>

Shô Shin addressed these competing powers by forcing the ''anji'' to reside in Shuri, transforming them into an aristocratic-bureaucrat class, and reorganizing their lands into ''[[magiri]]'' (districts)<ref>Though this term may have previously existed, it now became a more formalized unit of political geography as delineated by Shuri, and governed by those appointed from Shuri.</ref>. Each ''magiri'' consisted of a number of villages known either as ''mura'' or ''shima''; all together, the ''magiri'' comprised the "rural" or "provincial" portion of the kingdom, ''inaka no hô'' in modern Japanese, in contrast to Shuri, Kume, Tomari, and Naha, the four "towns" (''machi'') which comprised the "urban" or "metropolitan" areas of the kingdom.<ref name=nahacity>Gallery labels, Naha City Museum of History.</ref> Officials not of an ''anji'' ("warlord") background were appointed by the royal court to govern these districts; thus, the power of the ''anji'' to act as independent feudal states was removed, and put into the hands of administrators who were reliant on the royal court for the ability to continue to hold that post. By the end of Shô Shin's reign, all military forces in the kingdom were under his command, rather than under the command of individual regional lords; regional forces were now known as ''magiri gun'', rather than ''anji gun'', associating them with the districts, and not with the regional lords. Shô Shin also expanded the reach of the kingdom by sending military forces to conquer or subjugate other islands, sometimes coming into conflict with Japanese forces from [[Satsuma province]] seeking to expand their influence south into the Ryukyus.<ref name=pacifism>Smits, Gregory. "[http://www.japanfocus.org/-Gregory-Smits/3409 Examining the Myth of Ryukyuan Pacifism]." ''The Asia-Pacific Journal'' 37-3-10 (September 13, 2010).</ref>  

Shô Shin addressed these competing powers by forcing the ''anji'' to reside in Shuri, transforming them into an aristocratic-bureaucrat class, and reorganizing their lands into ''[[magiri]]'' (districts)<ref>Though this term may have previously existed, it now became a more formalized unit of political geography as delineated by Shuri, and governed by those appointed from Shuri.</ref>. Each ''magiri'' consisted of a number of villages known either as ''mura'' or ''shima''; all together, the ''magiri'' comprised the "rural" or "provincial" portion of the kingdom, ''inaka no hô'' in modern Japanese, in contrast to Shuri, Kume, [[Tomari]], and Naha, the four "towns" (''machi'') which comprised the "urban" or "metropolitan" areas of the kingdom.<ref name=nahacity>Gallery labels, Naha City Museum of History.</ref> Officials not of an ''anji'' ("warlord") background were appointed by the royal court to govern these districts; thus, the power of the ''anji'' to act as independent feudal states was removed, and put into the hands of administrators who were reliant on the royal court for the ability to continue to hold that post. By the end of Shô Shin's reign, all military forces in the kingdom were under his command, rather than under the command of individual regional lords; regional forces were now known as ''magiri gun'', rather than ''anji gun'', associating them with the districts, and not with the regional lords. Shô Shin also expanded the reach of the kingdom by sending military forces to conquer or subjugate other islands, sometimes coming into conflict with Japanese forces from [[Satsuma province]] seeking to expand their influence south into the Ryukyus.<ref name=pacifism>Smits, Gregory. "[http://www.japanfocus.org/-Gregory-Smits/3409 Examining the Myth of Ryukyuan Pacifism]." ''The Asia-Pacific Journal'' 37-3-10 (September 13, 2010).</ref>  

Shô Shin and his predecessors also worked to consolidate royal power, and weaken the threat of rivalry from the ''anji'', by developing royal monopolies on maritime trade. They acquired oceangoing vessels from the Ming, monopolized [[lacquerware]] production, and maintained royal sources of various other goods, including [[Ryukyuan horses|horses]] and [[sulphur]];<ref>Chan, 58.</ref> much later, in the 1680s, the royal government ordered all [[Ryukyuan pottery|potters]] in the kingdom to relocate to the [[Tsuboya pottery|Tsuboya]] neighborhood of Naha, thus solidifying a royal monopoly on pottery as well.<ref>Gallery labels, Okinawa Prefectural Museum.; Gallery labels, "The Tsuboya-yaki region" and "Okinawan pottery," Gallery 4: Minzoku, National Museum of Japanese History.</ref>

Shô Shin and his predecessors also worked to consolidate royal power, and weaken the threat of rivalry from the ''anji'', by developing royal monopolies on maritime trade. They acquired oceangoing vessels from the Ming, monopolized [[lacquerware]] production, and maintained royal sources of various other goods, including [[Ryukyuan horses|horses]] and [[sulphur]];<ref>Chan, 58.</ref> much later, in the 1680s, the royal government ordered all [[Ryukyuan pottery|potters]] in the kingdom to relocate to the [[Tsuboya pottery|Tsuboya]] neighborhood of Naha, thus solidifying a royal monopoly on pottery as well.<ref>Gallery labels, Okinawa Prefectural Museum.; Gallery labels, "The Tsuboya-yaki region" and "Okinawan pottery," Gallery 4: Minzoku, National Museum of Japanese History.</ref>

The king was restored to his castle and his kingdom in [[1611]], and was returned to power, though only within strict limits set by the Shimazu. In addition, while the kingdom retained the Ryukyus from Okinawa south (to the [[Sakishima Islands]] and [[Yonaguni]]), the [[Amami Islands]] and all other islands in the chain north of Okinawa Island proper were seized by the Shimazu and fully incorporated into their territory. A vassal state, Ryukyu was not considered an integral part of Japan until it was formally annexed as Okinawa Prefecture in 1879; while the provinces of Japan were regarded as ''takoku'' (他国, "other lands"), Ryukyu was considered ''ikoku'' (異国, "foreign lands"), along with China, Korea, Holland, and the rest of the world. However, ''[[Nanto zatsuwa|Nantô zatsuwa]]'', a Japanese text published in the 1850s, reveals that Ryukyuan people continued to travel between Okinawa and Amami, and to engage directly in trade in pottery, marine goods, and other products, despite the ostensible "national" boundaries (i.e. with travel to Amami, as part of Satsuma's territory, now being "foreign" travel and therefore theoretically subject to more strict control).<ref>Gallery labels, Okinawa Prefectural Museum, August 2013.</ref>

The king was restored to his castle and his kingdom in [[1611]], and was returned to power, though only within strict limits set by the Shimazu. In addition, while the kingdom retained the Ryukyus from Okinawa south (to the [[Sakishima Islands]] and [[Yonaguni]]), the [[Amami Islands]] and all other islands in the chain north of Okinawa Island proper were seized by the Shimazu and fully incorporated into their territory. A vassal state, Ryukyu was not considered an integral part of Japan until it was formally annexed as Okinawa Prefecture in 1879; while the provinces of Japan were regarded as ''takoku'' (他国, "other lands"), Ryukyu was considered ''ikoku'' (異国, "foreign lands"), along with China, Korea, Holland, and the rest of the world. However, ''[[Nanto zatsuwa|Nantô zatsuwa]]'', a Japanese text published in the 1850s, reveals that Ryukyuan people continued to travel between Okinawa and Amami, and to engage directly in trade in pottery, marine goods, and other products, despite the ostensible "national" boundaries (i.e. with travel to Amami, as part of Satsuma's territory, now being "foreign" travel and therefore theoretically subject to more strict control).<ref>Gallery labels, Okinawa Prefectural Museum, August 2013.</ref>

For the remainder of Japan's [[Edo period]], the kingdom served two masters, ostensibly independent, though a vassal to Satsuma and a tributary to China. As formal relations between Japan and China were severed, extensive efforts were made to hide Japan's control or influence over Ryukyu from the Chinese Court. If Beijing believed Ryukyu to be a part of Japan, it would have likely severed ties with Ryukyu as well, denying the kingdom and the shogunate not only a source of income and foreign goods through trade, but also a source of intelligence on events in the outside world, particularly China. Foreign trade, along with tributary missions and student exchange to China continued throughout this period, though overseen by Japanese authorities, and controlled so as to best benefit Satsuma and the shogunate, not the kingdom itself. Ryukyuans were forbidden from speaking Japanese, dressing in Japanese fashion, or otherwise revealing the Japanese influence upon them; the very few who were allowed to go abroad were to speak Chinese and to espouse a combination of native Ryukyuan and Chinese culture. This was not only policy for official envoys and official communications, but was circulated throughout the kingdom, instructing commoners and villagers (peasants) similarly, that if they were to be shipwrecked or castaway in China, for example, they should not speak of relations with Japan, or reveal their own familiarity with Japanese language or culture.<ref>[[Watanabe Miki]], "Ryûkyû kara mita Shinchô" 琉球から見た清朝, in Okada Hidehiro (ed.), ''Shinchô to ha nani ka'' 清朝とは何か, Fujiwara Shoten (2009), 257.</ref>

 

For the remainder of Japan's [[Edo period]] after the 1609 invasion, the kingdom served two masters, ostensibly independent, though a vassal to Satsuma and a tributary to China. As formal relations between Japan and China were severed, extensive efforts were made to hide Japan's control or influence over Ryukyu from the Chinese Court. If Beijing believed Ryukyu to be a part of Japan, it would have likely severed ties with Ryukyu as well, denying the kingdom and the shogunate not only a source of income and foreign goods through trade, but also a source of intelligence on events in the outside world, particularly China. Foreign trade, along with tributary missions and student exchange to China continued throughout this period, though overseen by Japanese authorities, and controlled so as to best benefit Satsuma and the shogunate, not the kingdom itself. Ryukyuans were forbidden from speaking Japanese, dressing in Japanese fashion, or otherwise revealing the Japanese influence upon them; the very few who were allowed to go abroad were to speak Chinese and to espouse a combination of native Ryukyuan and Chinese culture. This was not only policy for official envoys and official communications, but was circulated throughout the kingdom, instructing commoners and villagers (peasants) similarly, that if they were to be shipwrecked or castaway in China, for example, they should not speak of relations with Japan, or reveal their own familiarity with Japanese language or culture.<ref>[[Watanabe Miki]], "Ryûkyû kara mita Shinchô" 琉球から見た清朝, in Okada Hidehiro (ed.), ''Shinchô to ha nani ka'' 清朝とは何か, Fujiwara Shoten (2009), 257.</ref>

The kingdom became in various ways a tool for both the Shimazu and the shogunate, not only for purely economic benefit, but also to political ends. Ryukyuan students and embassies to Beijing provided unparalleled intelligence on Chinese matters which could not be gained from Korea or from merchants at [[Nagasaki]], who largely knew only of coastal and maritime matters. Tributary missions from Ryukyu to [[Edo]] were accompanied by great pomp and circumstance, and considerable entourages, though subsumed within the much larger Shimazu party making its obligatory ''[[sankin kotai|sankin kôtai]]'' journey to the capital. The enforced exoticism of the Ryukyuan embassies reinforced for the shogunate and the Shimazu family both the notion that an entire foreign kingdom submitted to their authority. The shogunate made use of this to consolidate perceptions of the legitimacy of its authority, while the Shimazu used it as leverage to gain higher [[court rank]] and to negotiate for the bending of laws and taxation.

The kingdom became in various ways a tool for both the Shimazu and the shogunate, not only for purely economic benefit, but also to political ends. Ryukyuan students and embassies to Beijing provided unparalleled intelligence on Chinese matters which could not be gained from Korea or from merchants at [[Nagasaki]], who largely knew only of coastal and maritime matters. Tributary missions from Ryukyu to [[Edo]] were accompanied by great pomp and circumstance, and considerable entourages, though subsumed within the much larger Shimazu party making its obligatory ''[[sankin kotai|sankin kôtai]]'' journey to the capital. The enforced exoticism of the Ryukyuan embassies reinforced for the shogunate and the Shimazu family both the notion that an entire foreign kingdom submitted to their authority. The shogunate made use of this to consolidate perceptions of the legitimacy of its authority, while the Shimazu used it as leverage to gain higher [[court rank]] and to negotiate for the bending of laws and taxation.

Still, despite the overlordship of the Shimazu, the royal government enjoyed some flexibility in instituting domestic polities and reforms. Two governmental officials are of particular significance. [[Sho Shoken|Shô Shôken]], ''sessei'' from 1666-1673, wrote the first history of Ryukyu and helped institute a number of key reforms. He cut down on royal and aristocrati extravagance, in order to streamline expenses and ensure greater prosperity for the kingdom. He also

Still, despite the overlordship of the Shimazu, the royal government enjoyed some flexibility in instituting domestic polities and reforms. Two governmental officials are of particular significance. [[Sho Shoken|Shô Shôken]], ''sessei'' from 1666-1673, wrote the first history of Ryukyu and helped institute a number of key reforms. He cut down on royal and aristocrati extravagance, in order to streamline expenses and ensure greater prosperity for the kingdom. He also suppressed the political influence and cultural importance of the [[yuta|priestesses]] of the native religion and cut down on royal involvement in many traditional rituals. This served to not only cut down on extravagance, but also was intended to help suppress elements of Ryukyuan culture which could be seen as backwards by China and Japan. [[Sai On]], royal regent roughly a century later, in the 1750s, continued and re-enacted many of Shô Shôken's policies, and went further, making considerable reforms to the kingdom's domestic economy, particularly in agriculture and forestry. His reforms helped the kingdom recover from a series of fires, famines, and other difficulties.

suppressed the political influence and cultural importance of the [[yuta|priestesses]] of the native religion and cut down on royal involvement in many traditional rituals. This served to not only cut down on extravagance, but also was intended to help suppress elements of Ryukyuan culture which could be seen as backwards by China and Japan. [[Sai On]], royal regent roughly a century later, in the 1750s, continued and re-enacted many of Shô Shôken's policies, and went further, making considerable reforms to the kingdom's domestic economy, particularly in agriculture and forestry. His reforms helped the kingdom recover from a series of fires, famines, and other difficulties.

===Dissolution===

===Dissolution===