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There has been considerable debate within scholarship as to whether the annexation of Okinawa, and policies executed there, should be considered "colonialist" in character, and whether Okinawa should be considered a "colony" of Japan. At the time, through to today, Okinawa was never officially considered a "colony," and "Colonial" "Development" offices were never established there as [[Hokkaido Development Commission|in Hokkaidô]]; Okinawa was placed under the jurisdiction of the [[Home Ministry]] shortly after its annexation, was termed a "prefecture," unlike Taiwan or [[Colonial Korea|Korea]], and was never subject to a Governor-General or Colonial Administration Office, and never came under the authority of the Colonial Ministry. As late as the 1980s, it was fairly standard amongst even Anglophone historians to not consider Okinawa as a "colony," or as part of the imperialist/colonialist expansion of the empire.<ref>For example, Mark Peattie makes no mention at all of Okinawa or Hokkaidô as "colonies" or "colonialist ventures" in his book ''The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945'', Princeton University Press (1984), co-edited with Ramon Myers, and describes the Japanese efforts in Taiwan as "experiments," based on no prior experience in colonial administration.</ref> However, in more recent years, scholars have begun to argue that the assimilation policies, uneven or hypocritical racial/ethnic discrimination, extension of national systems of infrastructure, public institutions, governmental structures, education, and so forth, among other aspects, bear considerable similarities both to Japan's own history in Taiwan and Korea, and to colonializing processes elsewhere in the world. Others, however, have suggested Okinawa not be considered so separately from the rest of Japan, emphasizing that homogenizing policies and extension of modern institutions, and so forth, were implemented throughout the archipelago; they argue that what was done in Okinawa was not so dissimilar from what took place in Tôhoku, Hokuriku, Shikoku, Kyushu, and indeed throughout all of Japan, only that it got off to a later start in Okinawa, and moved more slowly.

There has been considerable debate within scholarship as to whether the annexation of Okinawa, and policies executed there, should be considered "colonialist" in character, and whether Okinawa should be considered a "colony" of Japan. At the time, through to today, Okinawa was never officially considered a "colony," and "Colonial" "Development" offices were never established there as [[Hokkaido Development Commission|in Hokkaidô]]; Okinawa was placed under the jurisdiction of the [[Home Ministry]] shortly after its annexation, was termed a "prefecture," unlike Taiwan or [[Colonial Korea|Korea]], and was never subject to a Governor-General or Colonial Administration Office, and never came under the authority of the Colonial Ministry. As late as the 1980s, it was fairly standard amongst even Anglophone historians to not consider Okinawa as a "colony," or as part of the imperialist/colonialist expansion of the empire.<ref>For example, Mark Peattie makes no mention at all of Okinawa or Hokkaidô as "colonies" or "colonialist ventures" in his book ''The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945'', Princeton University Press (1984), co-edited with Ramon Myers, and describes the Japanese efforts in Taiwan as "experiments," based on no prior experience in colonial administration.</ref> However, in more recent years, scholars have begun to argue that the assimilation policies, uneven or hypocritical racial/ethnic discrimination, extension of national systems of infrastructure, public institutions, governmental structures, education, and so forth, among other aspects, bear considerable similarities both to Japan's own history in Taiwan and Korea, and to colonializing processes elsewhere in the world. Others, however, have suggested Okinawa not be considered so separately from the rest of Japan, emphasizing that homogenizing policies and extension of modern institutions, and so forth, were implemented throughout the archipelago; they argue that what was done in Okinawa was not so dissimilar from what took place in Tôhoku, Hokuriku, Shikoku, Kyushu, and indeed throughout all of Japan, only that it got off to a later start in Okinawa, and moved more slowly.

The prefecture was established in [[1879]], as the last stage in the ''[[Ryukyu shobun|Ryûkyû shobun]]'', or "disposal" of the [[Ryukyu Kingdom|Ryûkyû Kingdom]]. The Kingdom had been replaced by ''[[Ryukyu han|Ryûkyû han]]'' in [[1872]], with the king being made a ''han'ô'', basically equivalent to the position of ''[[daimyo|daimyô]]'' which had just been [[abolition of the han|abolished]] in mainland Japan. Now, the king was made a Marquis in the new European-style ''[[kazoku]]'' peerage system, and was obliged to relocate to [[Tokyo]]. The royal family maintained Ryukyuan royal customs for a time, but after the end of the mourning period following the death of [[Sho Tai|Shô Tai]], the last king, in [[1901]], they abandoned the trappings of royalty and more fully adopted those of modern Japanese aristocracy.<ref>Kerr, 452-453.</ref> Governors, chiefly from [[Kagoshima prefecture]] ([[Satsuma han|Satsuma]]) but all of them from mainland Japan, were appointed to head the governance of Okinawa. The mainland legal system was extended to Okinawa in [[1897]], and Okinawans were able to elect representatives to the prefectural assembly beginning in 1909, and to the [[National Diet]] in [[1912]], but governors continued to be appointed from outside of Okinawa throughout the prewar and wartime period; it was only after the end of the US Occupation in Ryûkyû, and the reversion of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty in 1972 that Okinawans were able to enjoy the rights and privileges of democratic participation & representation as fully as those in the rest of Japan.

The prefecture was established in [[1879]], as the last stage in the ''[[Ryukyu shobun|Ryûkyû shobun]]'', or "disposal" of the [[Ryukyu Kingdom|Ryûkyû Kingdom]]. The Kingdom had been replaced by ''[[Ryukyu han|Ryûkyû han]]'' in [[1872]], with the king being made a ''han'ô'', basically equivalent to the position of ''[[daimyo|daimyô]]'' which had just been [[abolition of the han|abolished]] in mainland Japan. Now, the king was made a Marquis in the new European-style ''[[kazoku]]'' peerage system, and was obliged to relocate to [[Tokyo]]. The royal family maintained Ryukyuan royal customs for a time, but after the end of the mourning period following the death of [[Sho Tai|Shô Tai]], the last king, in [[1901]], they abandoned the trappings of royalty and more fully adopted those of modern Japanese aristocracy.<ref>Kerr, 452-453.</ref> Governors, chiefly from [[Kagoshima prefecture]] ([[Satsuma han|Satsuma]]) but all of them from mainland Japan, were appointed to head the governance of Okinawa; while former members of the Ryukyuan royal government scholar-bureaucracy held many governmental posts, the top levels of government, and education officials, were all dominated by non-Okinawans.<ref name=jahana102>[[Gregory Smits]], "Jahana Noboru: Okinawan Activist and Scholar," in [[Anne Walthall]] (ed.), ''The Human Tradition in Modern Japan'', Scholarly Resources Inc. (2002), 102.</ref> The mainland legal system was extended to Okinawa in [[1897]], and Okinawans were able to elect representatives to the prefectural assembly beginning in 1909, and to the [[National Diet]] in [[1912]], but governors continued to be appointed from outside of Okinawa throughout the prewar and wartime period; it was only after the end of the US Occupation in Ryûkyû, and the reversion of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty in 1972 that Okinawans were able to enjoy the rights and privileges of democratic participation & representation as fully as those in the rest of Japan.

[[Matsuda Michiyuki]] arrived in Naha on 1879/1/25, and the following day presented to [[Prince Nakijin]] a missive from the [[Prime Minister]] reproaching Ryûkyû for breaking the prohibition imposed by Japan on sending [[Ryukyuan tribute missions to China|diplomatic missions to China]], and for obstructing the implementation of Japanese law enforcement and criminal administration in the islands. The following month, Beijing sent formal communications urging Tokyo to not annex Ryûkyû as a prefecture. [[Kinashi Seiichiro|Kinashi Seiichirô]] was named Acting Governor of the not yet established Okinawa Prefecture on 3/3.  

[[Matsuda Michiyuki]] arrived in Naha on 1879/1/25, and the following day presented to [[Prince Nakijin]] a missive from the [[Prime Minister]] reproaching Ryûkyû for breaking the prohibition imposed by Japan on sending [[Ryukyuan tribute missions to China|diplomatic missions to China]], and for obstructing the implementation of Japanese law enforcement and criminal administration in the islands. The following month, Beijing sent formal communications urging Tokyo to not annex Ryûkyû as a prefecture. [[Kinashi Seiichiro|Kinashi Seiichirô]] was named Acting Governor of the not yet established Okinawa Prefecture on 3/3.  

He was soon replaced by [[Nabeshima Naoyoshi]], appointed the first official governor of the prefecture. The second governor, [[Uesugi Mochinori]], supposedly out of genuine concern for the ordinary Okinawan people (i.e. commoners/peasants), was quite harsh on the traditional aristocracy, accusing them of having oppressed and impoverished the Ryukyuan people, and attempting to remove them from power and from elite status.<ref>Gregory Smits, ''Visions of Ryukyu'', University of Hawaii Press, (1999), 146-147.</ref> Much of these initiatives were reversed by his successor, the third governor, [[Iwamura Michitoshi]], however, who implemented a series of policies known as ''[[kyukan onzon|kyûkan onzon]]'' ("preserving old customs"). Under these policies, much of the kingdom's legal and administrative structures were left in place for a time, including incorporating many of the kingdom's experienced scholar-bureaucrats into positions of governmental administration. While many former scholar-bureaucrats accepted positions in the new government, many others, such as [[Ota Chofu|Ôta Chôfu]], protested by refusing to work, and refusing to aid the new officials in taking over the administration.<ref>Kerr, 402.</ref> This policy of maintaining old administrative structures was pursued, at least in part, as the result of concerns (perhaps quite valid concerns) by the [[Meiji government]] that abruptly dismantling these political and economic systems all at once could spark widespread popular resistance. Thus, all the way until [[1903]], the kingdom's systems of land divisions (''[[magiri]]''), taxation, and so forth, were left intact to a certain extent. While low-ranking Ryukyuan aristocrats lost their special status entirely, and no Ryukyuans outside of the royal family were incorporated into the ''kazoku'' or ''[[shizoku]]'' systems of gentry, middle- to high-ranking Ryukyuan aristocrats were at least permitted to retain their government stipends until [[1909]]; these were, however, paid out of the prefecture's budget, and not out of any separate additional funds granted to Okinawa by Tokyo. While [[Hokkaido|Hokkaidô]], also annexed by Imperial Japan in the 1870s, received considerable investment for development, Okinawa received very little from the government. All in all, throughout the Meiji period, Okinawa paid higher taxes per capita, and received less national expenditures per capita, than any other prefecture.<ref>[[Gregory Smits]], "Jahana Noboru: Okinawan Activist and Scholar," in [[Anne Walthall]] (ed.), ''The Human Tradition in Modern Japan'', Scholarly Resources Inc. (2002), 102.</ref>  

He was soon replaced by [[Nabeshima Naoyoshi]], appointed the first official governor of the prefecture. The second governor, [[Uesugi Mochinori]], supposedly out of genuine concern for the ordinary Okinawan people (i.e. commoners/peasants), was quite harsh on the traditional aristocracy, accusing them of having oppressed and impoverished the Ryukyuan people, and attempting to remove them from power and from elite status.<ref>Gregory Smits, ''Visions of Ryukyu'', University of Hawaii Press, (1999), 146-147.</ref> Much of these initiatives were reversed by his successor, the third governor, [[Iwamura Michitoshi]], however, who implemented a series of policies known as ''[[kyukan onzon|kyûkan onzon]]'' ("preserving old customs"). Under these policies, much of the kingdom's legal and administrative structures were left in place for a time, including incorporating many of the kingdom's experienced scholar-bureaucrats into positions of governmental administration. While many former scholar-bureaucrats accepted positions in the new government, many others, such as [[Ota Chofu|Ôta Chôfu]], protested by refusing to work, and refusing to aid the new officials in taking over the administration.<ref>Kerr, 402.</ref> This policy of maintaining old administrative structures was pursued, at least in part, as the result of concerns (perhaps quite valid concerns) by the [[Meiji government]] that abruptly dismantling these political and economic systems all at once could spark widespread popular resistance. Thus, all the way until [[1903]], the kingdom's systems of land divisions (''[[magiri]]''), taxation, and so forth, were left intact to a certain extent. While low-ranking Ryukyuan aristocrats lost their special status entirely, and no Ryukyuans outside of the royal family were incorporated into the ''kazoku'' or ''[[shizoku]]'' systems of gentry, middle- to high-ranking Ryukyuan aristocrats were at least permitted to retain their government stipends until [[1909]]; these were, however, paid out of the prefecture's budget, and not out of any separate additional funds granted to Okinawa by Tokyo. While [[Hokkaido|Hokkaidô]], also annexed by Imperial Japan in the 1870s, received considerable investment for development, Okinawa received very little from the government. All in all, throughout the Meiji period, Okinawa paid higher taxes per capita, and received less national expenditures per capita, than any other prefecture.<ref name=jahana102/>

Land divisions and the associated tax structure were reorganized in a major undertaking in [[1899]] to 1903 known as the [[Okinawa Prefecture Land Reorganization Project]], bringing practices in Okinawa into line with systems used throughout the rest of the country. This included converting much communal land into private property, and eliminating the payment of taxes in kind (i.e. in grain or other products), and replacing it with payment in cash.<ref>Plaques on-site at [[Gokoku Shrine]].</ref>

Land divisions and the associated tax structure were reorganized in a major undertaking in [[1899]] to 1903 known as the [[Okinawa Prefecture Land Reorganization Project]], bringing practices in Okinawa into line with systems used throughout the rest of the country. This included converting much communal land into private property, and eliminating the payment of taxes in kind (i.e. in grain or other products), and replacing it with payment in cash.<ref>Plaques on-site at [[Gokoku Shrine]].</ref>