Line 9: |
Line 9: |
| ===Meiji Period=== | | ===Meiji Period=== |
| [[Image:Meiji-naminoue.jpg|right|thumb|350px|Statue of Emperor Meiji at [[Naminoue Shrine]], identified as ''kokka'', or, "The State."]] | | [[Image:Meiji-naminoue.jpg|right|thumb|350px|Statue of Emperor Meiji at [[Naminoue Shrine]], identified as ''kokka'', or, "The State."]] |
− | The prefecture was established in [[1879]], as the last stage in the ''[[Ryukyu shobun|Ryûkyû shobun]]'', or "disposal" of the [[Ryukyu Kingdom|Ryûkyû Kingdom]]. The Kingdom had been replaced by ''[[Ryukyu han|Ryûkyû han]]'' in [[1872]], with the king being made a ''han'ô'', basically equivalent to the position of ''[[daimyo|daimyô]]'' which had just been [[abolition of the han|abolished]] in mainland Japan. Now, the king was made a Marquis in the new European-style ''[[kazoku]]'' peerage system, and was obliged to relocate to [[Tokyo]]. The royal family maintained Ryukyuan royal customs for a time, but after the end of the mourning period following the death of [[Sho Tai|Shô Tai]], the last king, in [[1901]], they abandoned the trappings of royalty and more fully adopted those of modern Japanese aristocracy.<ref>Kerr, 452-453.</ref> Governors, chiefly from [[Kagoshima prefecture]] ([[Satsuma han|Satsuma]]) but all of them from mainland Japan, were appointed to head the governance of Okinawa all the way up through 1945. It was only after the end of the US Occupation in Ryûkyû, and the reversion of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty in 1972 that Okinawans were able to democratically elect their own Okinawan leadership. | + | There has been considerable debate within scholarship as to whether the annexation of Okinawa, and policies executed there, should be considered "colonialist" in character, and whether Okinawa should be considered a "colony" of Japan. At the time, through to today, Okinawa was never officially considered a "colony," and "Colonial" "Development" offices were never established there as [[Hokkaido Development Commission|in Hokkaidô]]; Okinawa was placed under the jurisdiction of the [[Home Ministry]] shortly after its annexation, was termed a "prefecture," unlike Taiwan or [[Colonial Korea|Korea]], and was never subject to a Governor-General or Colonial Administration Office, and never came under the authority of the Colonial Ministry. As late as the 1980s, it was fairly standard amongst even Anglophone historians to not consider Okinawa as a "colony," or as part of the imperialist/colonialist expansion of the empire.<ref>For example, Mark Peattie makes no mention at all of Okinawa or Hokkaidô as "colonies" or "colonialist ventures" in his book ''The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945'', Princeton University Press (1984), co-edited with Ramon Myers, and describes the Japanese efforts in Taiwan as "experiments," based on no prior experience in colonial administration.</ref> However, in more recent years, scholars have begun to argue that the assimilation policies, uneven or hypocritical racial/ethnic discrimination, extension of national systems of infrastructure, public institutions, governmental structures, education, and so forth, among other aspects, bear considerable similarities both to Japan's own history in Taiwan and Korea, and to colonializing processes elsewhere in the world. Others, however, have suggested Okinawa not be considered so separately from the rest of Japan, emphasizing that homogenizing policies and extension of modern institutions, and so forth, were implemented throughout the archipelago; they argue that what was done in Okinawa was not so dissimilar from what took place in Tôhoku, Hokuriku, Shikoku, Kyushu, and indeed throughout all of Japan, only that it got off to a later start in Okinawa, and moved more slowly. |
| + | |
| + | The prefecture was established in [[1879]], as the last stage in the ''[[Ryukyu shobun|Ryûkyû shobun]]'', or "disposal" of the [[Ryukyu Kingdom|Ryûkyû Kingdom]]. The Kingdom had been replaced by ''[[Ryukyu han|Ryûkyû han]]'' in [[1872]], with the king being made a ''han'ô'', basically equivalent to the position of ''[[daimyo|daimyô]]'' which had just been [[abolition of the han|abolished]] in mainland Japan. Now, the king was made a Marquis in the new European-style ''[[kazoku]]'' peerage system, and was obliged to relocate to [[Tokyo]]. The royal family maintained Ryukyuan royal customs for a time, but after the end of the mourning period following the death of [[Sho Tai|Shô Tai]], the last king, in [[1901]], they abandoned the trappings of royalty and more fully adopted those of modern Japanese aristocracy.<ref>Kerr, 452-453.</ref> Governors, chiefly from [[Kagoshima prefecture]] ([[Satsuma han|Satsuma]]) but all of them from mainland Japan, were appointed to head the governance of Okinawa. The mainland legal system was extended to Okinawa in [[1897]], and Okinawans were able to elect representatives to the prefectural assembly beginning in 1909, and to the [[National Diet]] in [[1912]], but governors continued to be appointed from outside of Okinawa throughout the prewar and wartime period; it was only after the end of the US Occupation in Ryûkyû, and the reversion of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty in 1972 that Okinawans were able to enjoy the rights and privileges of democratic participation & representation as fully as those in the rest of Japan. |
| | | |
| [[Matsuda Michiyuki]] arrived in Naha on 1879/1/25, and the following day presented to [[Prince Nakijin]] a missive from the [[Prime Minister]] reproaching Ryûkyû for breaking the prohibition imposed by Japan on sending [[Ryukyuan tribute missions to China|diplomatic missions to China]], and for obstructing the implementation of Japanese law enforcement and criminal administration in the islands. The following month, Beijing sent formal communications urging Tokyo to not annex Ryûkyû as a prefecture. [[Kinashi Seiichiro|Kinashi Seiichirô]] was named Acting Governor of the not yet established Okinawa Prefecture on 3/3. | | [[Matsuda Michiyuki]] arrived in Naha on 1879/1/25, and the following day presented to [[Prince Nakijin]] a missive from the [[Prime Minister]] reproaching Ryûkyû for breaking the prohibition imposed by Japan on sending [[Ryukyuan tribute missions to China|diplomatic missions to China]], and for obstructing the implementation of Japanese law enforcement and criminal administration in the islands. The following month, Beijing sent formal communications urging Tokyo to not annex Ryûkyû as a prefecture. [[Kinashi Seiichiro|Kinashi Seiichirô]] was named Acting Governor of the not yet established Okinawa Prefecture on 3/3. |
| | | |
− | He was soon replaced by [[Nabeshima Naoyoshi]], appointed the first official governor of the prefecture. The second governor, [[Uesugi Mochinori]], was quite harsh on the traditional aristocracy, accusing them of having oppressed and impoverished the Ryukyuan people, and attempting to remove them from power and from elite status. Much of these initiatives were reversed by his successor, the third governor, [[Iwamura Michitoshi]], however, who implemented a series of policies known as ''[[kyukan onzon|kyûkan onzon]]'' ("preserving old customs"). Under these policies, much of the kingdom's legal and administrative structures were left in place for a time, including incorporating many of the kingdom's scholar-bureaucrats into positions of governmental administration. While many former scholar-bureaucrats accepted positions in the new government, many others, such as [[Ota Chofu|Ôta Chôfu]], protested by refusing to work, and refusing to aid the new officials in taking over the administration.<ref>Kerr, 402.</ref> This policy of maintaining old administrative structures was pursued, at least in part, as the result of concerns (perhaps quite valid concerns) by the [[Meiji government]] that abruptly dismantling these political and economic systems all at once could spark widespread popular resistance. Thus, all the way until [[1903]], the kingdom's systems of land divisions (''[[magiri]]''), taxation, and so forth, were left intact to a certain extent. While low-ranking Ryukyuan aristocrats lost their special status entirely, and no Ryukyuans outside of the royal family were incorporated into the ''kazoku'' or ''[[shizoku]]'' systems of gentry, middle- to high-ranking Ryukyuan aristocrats were at least permitted to retain their government stipends until [[1909]]; these were, however, paid out of the prefecture's budget, and not out of any separate additional funds granted to Okinawa by Tokyo. While [[Hokkaido|Hokkaidô]], also annexed by Imperial Japan in the 1870s, received considerable investment for development, Okinawa received very little from the government. All in all, throughout the Meiji period, Okinawa paid higher taxes per capita, and received less national expenditures per capita, than any other prefecture.<ref>[[Gregory Smits]], "Jahana Noboru: Okinawan Activist and Scholar," in [[Anne Walthall]] (ed.), ''The Human Tradition in Modern Japan'', Scholarly Resources Inc. (2002), 102.</ref> | + | He was soon replaced by [[Nabeshima Naoyoshi]], appointed the first official governor of the prefecture. The second governor, [[Uesugi Mochinori]], was quite harsh on the traditional aristocracy, accusing them of having oppressed and impoverished the Ryukyuan people, and attempting to remove them from power and from elite status. Much of these initiatives were reversed by his successor, the third governor, [[Iwamura Michitoshi]], however, who implemented a series of policies known as ''[[kyukan onzon|kyûkan onzon]]'' ("preserving old customs"). Under these policies, much of the kingdom's legal and administrative structures were left in place for a time, including incorporating many of the kingdom's scholar-bureaucrats into positions of governmental administration. While many former scholar-bureaucrats accepted positions in the new government, many others, such as [[Ota Chofu|Ôta Chôfu]], protested by refusing to work, and refusing to aid the new officials in taking over the administration.<ref>Kerr, 402.</ref> This policy of maintaining old administrative structures was pursued, at least in part, as the result of concerns (perhaps quite valid concerns) by the [[Meiji government]] that abruptly dismantling these political and economic systems all at once could spark widespread popular resistance. Thus, all the way until [[1903]], the kingdom's systems of land divisions (''[[magiri]]''), taxation, and so forth, were left intact to a certain extent. While low-ranking Ryukyuan aristocrats lost their special status entirely, and no Ryukyuans outside of the royal family were incorporated into the ''kazoku'' or ''[[shizoku]]'' systems of gentry, middle- to high-ranking Ryukyuan aristocrats were at least permitted to retain their government stipends until [[1909]]; these were, however, paid out of the prefecture's budget, and not out of any separate additional funds granted to Okinawa by Tokyo. While [[Hokkaido|Hokkaidô]], also annexed by Imperial Japan in the 1870s, received considerable investment for development, Okinawa received very little from the government. All in all, throughout the Meiji period, Okinawa paid higher taxes per capita, and received less national expenditures per capita, than any other prefecture.<ref>[[Gregory Smits]], "Jahana Noboru: Okinawan Activist and Scholar," in [[Anne Walthall]] (ed.), ''The Human Tradition in Modern Japan'', Scholarly Resources Inc. (2002), 102.</ref> |
| | | |
| Land divisions and the associated tax structure were reorganized in a major undertaking in [[1899]] to 1903 known as the [[Okinawa Prefecture Land Reorganization Project]], bringing practices in Okinawa into line with systems used throughout the rest of the country. This included eliminating the payment of taxes in kind (i.e. in grain or other products), and replacing it with payment in cash.<ref>Plaques on-site at [[Gokoku Shrine]].</ref> | | Land divisions and the associated tax structure were reorganized in a major undertaking in [[1899]] to 1903 known as the [[Okinawa Prefecture Land Reorganization Project]], bringing practices in Okinawa into line with systems used throughout the rest of the country. This included eliminating the payment of taxes in kind (i.e. in grain or other products), and replacing it with payment in cash.<ref>Plaques on-site at [[Gokoku Shrine]].</ref> |
| | | |
| Meanwhile, traditional systems of education were also left in place for a while, alongside national public education. However, before the end of the 19th century, assimilation efforts were stepped up. By the turn of the 20th century, nationwide efforts to provide uniform education and create a uniform culture and language were implemented in Okinawa as they were throughout the nation, inspiring the formation in [[1896]] by former royal [[prince Sho En|prince Shô En]] and a number of noble supporters of the [[Kodokai|Kôdôkai]] ("Society for Public Unity"), which worked to strongly oppose assimilation, and to petition for the restoration of rule by Okinawans.<ref>[[George Kerr]], ''Okinawa: the History of an Island People'' (revised ed.), Boston: Tuttle Publishing (2000), 425.; Smits, ''Visions of Ryukyu'', University of Hawaii Press (1999), 148-149.</ref> | | Meanwhile, traditional systems of education were also left in place for a while, alongside national public education. However, before the end of the 19th century, assimilation efforts were stepped up. By the turn of the 20th century, nationwide efforts to provide uniform education and create a uniform culture and language were implemented in Okinawa as they were throughout the nation, inspiring the formation in [[1896]] by former royal [[prince Sho En|prince Shô En]] and a number of noble supporters of the [[Kodokai|Kôdôkai]] ("Society for Public Unity"), which worked to strongly oppose assimilation, and to petition for the restoration of rule by Okinawans.<ref>[[George Kerr]], ''Okinawa: the History of an Island People'' (revised ed.), Boston: Tuttle Publishing (2000), 425.; Smits, ''Visions of Ryukyu'', University of Hawaii Press (1999), 148-149.</ref> |
| + | |
| + | Okinawa saw modernization of its infrastructure and public institutions in the Meiji period as well, though more slowly and to a smaller extent than in much of the rest of the Empire. The first modern theater in the islands, the [[Nakamo Engeijo|Nakamô Engeijô]], opened in [[1891]]. The first public library in Okinawa was opened in [[1906]] in Nago, the [[Okinawa Prefectural Library]] was established in [[1910]] with [[Iha Fuyu|Iha Fuyû]] as its first director, and the first [[Okinawa Electric Railway|electric railway]] was opened in [[1911]]. |
| | | |
| Mainland businesses began to expand into Okinawa, even seizing monopolistic levels of dominance in many locales and commercial sectors, pushing Okinawan local/native merchants and entrepreneurs into far weaker positions, or out of business entirely.<ref>Kerr, 398.</ref> Facing considerable economic difficulties, not to mention in at least some cases cultural and/or political opposition to Japanese assimilation, many Okinawans began to emigrate to Hawaii, Latin America, and elsewhere. Okinawa was one of the top prefectures from which people emigrated in the late Meiji period, and Hawaii continues today to be the home of the largest Okinawan diasporic community in the world. The first Okinawan immigrants arrived in Hawaii in [[1900]], and immigration peaked in [[1906]], with nearly 4,500 people arriving in that year. | | Mainland businesses began to expand into Okinawa, even seizing monopolistic levels of dominance in many locales and commercial sectors, pushing Okinawan local/native merchants and entrepreneurs into far weaker positions, or out of business entirely.<ref>Kerr, 398.</ref> Facing considerable economic difficulties, not to mention in at least some cases cultural and/or political opposition to Japanese assimilation, many Okinawans began to emigrate to Hawaii, Latin America, and elsewhere. Okinawa was one of the top prefectures from which people emigrated in the late Meiji period, and Hawaii continues today to be the home of the largest Okinawan diasporic community in the world. The first Okinawan immigrants arrived in Hawaii in [[1900]], and immigration peaked in [[1906]], with nearly 4,500 people arriving in that year. |
Line 27: |
Line 31: |
| ===1912 to 1945=== | | ===1912 to 1945=== |
| [[File:Okinawa-battlemap.jpg|right|thumb|380px|Map of the Battle of Okinawa at Punchbowl Cemetery in Honolulu]] | | [[File:Okinawa-battlemap.jpg|right|thumb|380px|Map of the Battle of Okinawa at Punchbowl Cemetery in Honolulu]] |
− | Throughout the prewar period, Japanese government policy attitudes towards Okinawans, arguably not dissimilar to attitudes towards Koreans and Taiwanese, placed them in a paradoxical or in-between position. Assimilation policies transformed them into being little different from other Japanese, and they were expected to fulfill all the obligations to the State of any Japanese subject, but were not extended quite the same rights, freedoms, and protections. At the [[Fifth Domestic Exposition]], held in [[Osaka]] in [[1903]], organizers attempted to put Okinawans on display in a "human zoo"-style exhibit, alongside [[Ainu]] and [[Taiwanese aborigines]], as colonized peoples; the Okinawans vehemently protested, arguing they had assimilated, educated and acculturated, and were no different from Japanese, and so should not be grouped together with these hairy barbarians. The Okinawans were spared from being displayed at that event, in the end, but their treatment as second-class citizens, with less political voice, and fewer rights and protections, but expectations of full obligation to sacrifice themselves for the state, continued in various ways. The standard systems of political participation in national government enjoyed by subjects on the mainland, including electing representatives to the [[National Diet]], were not extended to Okinawa until [[1912]]. | + | Throughout the prewar period, Japanese government policy attitudes towards Okinawans, arguably not dissimilar to attitudes towards Koreans and Taiwanese, placed them in a paradoxical or in-between position. Assimilation policies transformed them into being little different from other Japanese, and they were expected to fulfill all the obligations to the State of any Japanese subject, but were not extended quite the same rights, freedoms, and protections. At the [[Fifth Domestic Exposition]], held in [[Osaka]] in [[1903]], organizers attempted to put Okinawans on display in a "human zoo"-style exhibit, alongside [[Ainu]] and [[Taiwanese aborigines]], as colonized peoples; the Okinawans vehemently protested, arguing they had assimilated, educated and acculturated, and were no different from Japanese, and so should not be grouped together with these hairy barbarians. The Okinawans were spared from being displayed at that event, in the end, but their treatment as second-class citizens, with less political voice, and fewer rights and protections, but expectations of full obligation to sacrifice themselves for the state, continued in various ways. |
| | | |
| A number of major sites associated with the Ryûkyû Kingdom were named [[National Treasures]] in the 1920s-30s, including [[Shuri castle]], the Buddhist temples [[Engaku-ji (Okinawa)]] and [[Sogen-ji|Sôgen-ji]], and [[Oki Shrine]], thus appropriating them into narratives of Japanese national greatness. Meanwhile, a number of sites including Shuri castle (in 1925) and [[Naminoue Shrine]] (in [[1890]]) were also transformed into [[Shinto shrines]], incorporating them into networks and systems of sites of the nation. Shuri castle, made the site of a [[Kumamoto Garrison|military garrison]] from [[1879]] until [[1896]], and then public space beginning in [[1909]], was made into a Shinto shrine in 1925. At some point in the 1930s, it became home to a major underground military headquarters, thus unfortunately inviting its destruction in 1945, and along with it the destruction of numerous irreplaceable artifacts and documents of Ryukyuan cultural and historical significance. | | A number of major sites associated with the Ryûkyû Kingdom were named [[National Treasures]] in the 1920s-30s, including [[Shuri castle]], the Buddhist temples [[Engaku-ji (Okinawa)]] and [[Sogen-ji|Sôgen-ji]], and [[Oki Shrine]], thus appropriating them into narratives of Japanese national greatness. Meanwhile, a number of sites including Shuri castle (in 1925) and [[Naminoue Shrine]] (in [[1890]]) were also transformed into [[Shinto shrines]], incorporating them into networks and systems of sites of the nation. Shuri castle, made the site of a [[Kumamoto Garrison|military garrison]] from [[1879]] until [[1896]], and then public space beginning in [[1909]], was made into a Shinto shrine in 1925. At some point in the 1930s, it became home to a major underground military headquarters, thus unfortunately inviting its destruction in 1945, and along with it the destruction of numerous irreplaceable artifacts and documents of Ryukyuan cultural and historical significance. |