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==Ainu Society==
 
==Ainu Society==
[[File:Ainu-robes.jpg|right|thumb|320px|Ainu robes on display at the East-West Center Gallery]]
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[[File:Ainu-robes.jpg|right|thumb|320px|Ainu robes on display at the East-West Center Gallery in Honolulu]]
From the 16th century or so (or perhaps earlier) onwards, Ainu society was organized into small communities called ''[[kotan]]''. There was no overall Ainu chief or king, or any sort of government administration or bureaucracy; the ''kotan'' was, more or less, the largest social (or political) entity in Ainu society.
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From the 16th century or so (or perhaps earlier) onwards, Ainu society was organized into small communities called ''[[kotan]]''. There was no overall Ainu chief or king, or any sort of government administration or bureaucracy; the ''kotan'' was, more or less, the largest social (or political) entity in Ainu society. There is, however, a concept of an overall Ainu homeland, called ''Ainu moshir'', incorporating all the many Ainu lands; the geographical boundaries of this homeland have never been precisely identified, and are considered blurry even by the Ainu themselves.<ref>Mark Watson, "Tokyo Ainu and the Urban Indigenous Experience," in ann-elise lewallen, Mark Hudson, Mark Watson (eds.), ''Beyond Ainu Studies'', University of Hawaii Press (2015), 72.</ref>
    
''Kotan'' were self-organized, usually locating themselves near a river or seashore. They did not "own" land in any manner resembling modern concepts of ownership, with written contracts, legal codes, and/or systems of inheritance. Rather, so long as a plot of land was under cultivation by an individual, family, or ''kotan'', others would respect the claim or "rights" to that land.<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p15.</ref>
 
''Kotan'' were self-organized, usually locating themselves near a river or seashore. They did not "own" land in any manner resembling modern concepts of ownership, with written contracts, legal codes, and/or systems of inheritance. Rather, so long as a plot of land was under cultivation by an individual, family, or ''kotan'', others would respect the claim or "rights" to that land.<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p15.</ref>
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The first agreements between Japan and Russia as to a defined national border between them were made in [[1855]]; Ezo was renamed Hokkaidô and formally incorporated into the territory of the modern Japanese state in [[1869]].
 
The first agreements between Japan and Russia as to a defined national border between them were made in [[1855]]; Ezo was renamed Hokkaidô and formally incorporated into the territory of the modern Japanese state in [[1869]].
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Ainu were sparsely settled across the vast land area of Hokkaidô, which was thus seen by Japanese as, essentially, a "clean slate" or ''[[terra nullius]]''. Discussions or debates of prior decades were revived, with some suggesting the government take a relatively hands-off approach, allowing private interests (merchants/firms) and individual settlers to develop the land, and allowing Ainu to assimilate in an organic, gradual manner. Others argued that a more direct, focused effort of colonization be undertaken.<ref name=frontier13/>
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Ainu were sparsely settled across the vast land area of Hokkaidô, which was thus seen by Japanese as, essentially, a "clean slate" or ''terra nullius''. Discussions or debates of prior decades were revived, with some suggesting the government take a relatively hands-off approach, allowing private interests (merchants/firms) and individual settlers to develop the land, and allowing Ainu to assimilate in an organic, gradual manner. Others argued that a more direct, focused effort of colonization be undertaken.<ref name=frontier13/>
    
In the end, a [[Hokkaido Development Commission|colonial government agency]]<!--kaitakushi 開拓使--> was established, with [[Horace Capron]], a former US Secretary of Agriculture who played a prominent role in suppressing Native American opposition to American expansion, as one of the chief advisors. After a series of surveys and investigations, the [[o-yatoi gaikokujin|Western experts]] who had been brought in by the Japanese government disagreed widely. Capron took the lead, suggesting a directed effort to bring in Japanese settlers to colonize Hokkaidô; deciding that the land was no good for growing rice, he advocated a more American way of life, raising wheat, eating bread, and living in Western-style brick homes with Western-style furniture and a largely Western-style diet. This latter set of suggestions was ultimately not followed, however, as lifestyle in Hokkaidô was instead adapted to conform to more Japanese norms - even if the land were indeed better for raising wheat and other grains rather than rice, a hardier strain of rice plant was instead developed, and other elements of Japanese culture and lifestyle were introduced (or imposed).<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p14.</ref>
 
In the end, a [[Hokkaido Development Commission|colonial government agency]]<!--kaitakushi 開拓使--> was established, with [[Horace Capron]], a former US Secretary of Agriculture who played a prominent role in suppressing Native American opposition to American expansion, as one of the chief advisors. After a series of surveys and investigations, the [[o-yatoi gaikokujin|Western experts]] who had been brought in by the Japanese government disagreed widely. Capron took the lead, suggesting a directed effort to bring in Japanese settlers to colonize Hokkaidô; deciding that the land was no good for growing rice, he advocated a more American way of life, raising wheat, eating bread, and living in Western-style brick homes with Western-style furniture and a largely Western-style diet. This latter set of suggestions was ultimately not followed, however, as lifestyle in Hokkaidô was instead adapted to conform to more Japanese norms - even if the land were indeed better for raising wheat and other grains rather than rice, a hardier strain of rice plant was instead developed, and other elements of Japanese culture and lifestyle were introduced (or imposed).<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p14.</ref>
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Though deprived of their traditional hunting & fishing grounds, and of their financial assets, Ainu were at least promised a certain amount of land - five ''chô'' per household - by the government; the government ran out of land to give out ten years later, in [[1909]]. The program had further problems as the land given to the Ainu to farm was not always the most fertile or arable land, and as the Ainu were not used to farming, at least not in the manner or with the particular crops that the Japanese now encouraged. Many crops failed, leading to famine, underdevelopment of the land overall, and widespread poverty, issues which set the foundation for continued underdevelopment and economic issues in Hokkaidô today.
 
Though deprived of their traditional hunting & fishing grounds, and of their financial assets, Ainu were at least promised a certain amount of land - five ''chô'' per household - by the government; the government ran out of land to give out ten years later, in [[1909]]. The program had further problems as the land given to the Ainu to farm was not always the most fertile or arable land, and as the Ainu were not used to farming, at least not in the manner or with the particular crops that the Japanese now encouraged. Many crops failed, leading to famine, underdevelopment of the land overall, and widespread poverty, issues which set the foundation for continued underdevelopment and economic issues in Hokkaidô today.
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Some number of Ainu traveled to Tokyo as early as the 1870s, or perhaps even earlier, for education or other purposes. Total figures are unclear, but anecdotes are given, for example of 38 Ainu relocated to Tokyo in [[1872]] to be educated (& "civilized") at an agricultural school established explicitly for that purpose on the grounds of [[Zojo-ji|Zôjô-ji]]. Five succumbed quickly to disease, and by [[1873]] only five remained in attendance at the school; it was closed the following year. Some individuals traveled to Tokyo or other regions on their own at this time, such as [[Chiri Mashiho]] and his sister [[Chiri Yukie]], who traveled to Tokyo to attend [[University of Tokyo|Tokyo Imperial University]]. However, most Ainu migration in the pre-war period is seen through a lens of colonialism, assimilation policies, forced migration, and so forth.<ref>Watson, 74-75.</ref>
    
===Post-War & Today===
 
===Post-War & Today===
 
From the Meiji period onwards, and especially in the 1950s-60s when there was a "Hokkaidô tourism boom," demand for souvenirs and the like spurred the (re)creation of much Ainu art, including especially wood-carved objects. Fujito Takeki and Sunazawa Bikki are counted among the pioneers in the revival or renaissance of Ainu arts.<ref>Gallery labels, National Museum of Japanese History.</ref>
 
From the Meiji period onwards, and especially in the 1950s-60s when there was a "Hokkaidô tourism boom," demand for souvenirs and the like spurred the (re)creation of much Ainu art, including especially wood-carved objects. Fujito Takeki and Sunazawa Bikki are counted among the pioneers in the revival or renaissance of Ainu arts.<ref>Gallery labels, National Museum of Japanese History.</ref>
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Ainu migration to Tokyo and other mainland urban areas picked up in the 1950s-1960s, with many Ainu relocating to such areas in search of work, or for other typical modern immigrant reasons. At this time, it was quite common for Ainu individuals to relocate to Tokyo alongside friends, or in order to join relatives already resident there. However, it was not until more recent decades that any significant number of people seem to have begun to identify with a broader "Ainu in Tokyo" or "Ainu diaspora" community, beyond the immediate circles of their friends and family.<ref>Watson, 76.</ref>
    
The Ainu were officially recognized as an indigenous people in 1997.
 
The Ainu were officially recognized as an indigenous people in 1997.
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Some sources estimate that roughly 10,000 Ainu live in the [[Kanto|Kantô region]] (the greater metropolitan & suburban area around [[Tokyo]] and [[Yokohama]]) today, and that there are likely more Ainu outside of Hokkaidô than within the prefecture. While Ainu in Hokkaidô continue to face numerous serious challenges, and while issues of colonialism, displacement, and dispossession remain serious and worthy of both political and academic attention, scholars such as Mark Watson argue that a truer appreciation of Ainu identity, livelihood, and culture in the 20th-21st centuries requires attention to the "diaspora" as well. Considering the Ainu people in this way also means not dismissing Ainu issues as being only of local concern (i.e. in Hokkaidô), and seeing them instead as being of national, or even international, importance.<ref name=watson69>Watson, 69-71.</ref>
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As is the case for many indigenous peoples around the world, Ainu struggle with others' assumptions that indigenous identity is situated exclusively in a given space (Hokkaidô) and time (pre-modern/primitive), such that Ainu identity would be antithetical to modern or cosmopolitan life. As Watson writes, "Ainu, it is assumed, would not survive or ... would not want to survive ''as Ainu'' in the city" (italics added).<ref name=watson69/>
    
==References==
 
==References==
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