Changes

*''Japanese'': アイヌ ''(ainu)''

*''Japanese'': アイヌ ''(ainu)''

The Ainu are an indigenous people of Japan, mainly associated with [[Hokkaido|Hokkaidô]], though as late as the [[Edo period]], a few hundred Ainu still lived in the [[Nanbu clan|Nanbu]] and [[Tsugaru clan|Tsugaru]] [[han|domains]] in [[Tohoku|Tôhoku]].

The Ainu are an indigenous people of Japan, mainly associated with [[Hokkaido|Hokkaidô]], though as late as the [[Edo period]], a few hundred Ainu still lived in the [[Nanbu clan|Nanbu]] and [[Tsugaru clan|Tsugaru]] [[han|domains]] in [[Tohoku|Tôhoku]]. Closely related groups also inhabit [[Sakhalin Island|Sakhalin]] and the [[Kuril Islands]].

Today, there are less than 20 native speakers of the Ainu language, though tens of thousands, mainly living in Hokkaidô and Tokyo, claim partial or full Ainu heritage. The Ainu were formally recognized by the Japanese government as an indigenous people in recent years, though social programs and the like for the Ainu are centered exclusively in Hokkaidô, making it difficult for Ainu in Tokyo or elsewhere to benefit.

Today, there are less than 20 native speakers of the Ainu language, though tens of thousands, mainly living in Hokkaidô and Tokyo, claim partial or full Ainu heritage. The Ainu were formally recognized by the Japanese government as an indigenous people in recent years, though social programs and the like for the Ainu are centered exclusively in Hokkaidô, making it difficult for Ainu in Tokyo or elsewhere to benefit.

''Kotan'' were self-organized, usually locating themselves near a river or seashore. They did not "own" land in any manner resembling modern concepts of ownership, with written contracts, legal codes, and/or systems of inheritance. Rather, so long as a plot of land was under cultivation by an individual, family, or ''kotan'', others would respect the claim or "rights" to that land.<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p15.</ref>

''Kotan'' were self-organized, usually locating themselves near a river or seashore. They did not "own" land in any manner resembling modern concepts of ownership, with written contracts, legal codes, and/or systems of inheritance. Rather, so long as a plot of land was under cultivation by an individual, family, or ''kotan'', others would respect the claim or "rights" to that land.<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p15.</ref>

The men of a given ''kotan'' would hunt and fish in their area, chiefly bear and salmon, while the women farmed, mainly millet and vegetables, for a year or two on a given plot before allowing that spot to return to nature, and turning to a different plot of land to claim as theirs to cultivate for a period. Ainu never engaged in rice cultivation traditionally, but purchased rice from the Japanese, who called themselves ''Wajin'' (和人), among other terms, to identify themselves in contrast to the Ainu Other. The Ainu, meanwhile, used the word ''shisam'', meaning literally "the great and nearby," to refer to outsiders, and words such as ''kur'' and ''utar'' to refer to other Ainu groups (e.g. from a different region) or other indigenous tribes, e.g. from the nearest parts of the Asian mainland, or from Sakhalin and the Kurils.

The men of a given ''kotan'' would hunt and fish in their area, chiefly bear and salmon, while the women farmed, mainly millet and vegetables, for a year or two on a given plot before allowing that spot to return to nature, and turning to a different plot of land to claim as theirs to cultivate for a period. The Ainu, especially in Sakhalin, bred dogs, which they used for a variety of purposes, including as hunting companions, sled dogs, and for their fur/skins and their meat.

 

Ainu never engaged in rice cultivation traditionally, but purchased rice from the Japanese, who called themselves ''Wajin'' (和人), among other terms, to identify themselves in contrast to the Ainu Other. The Ainu, meanwhile, used the word ''shisam'', meaning literally "the great and nearby," to refer to outsiders, and words such as ''kur'' and ''utar'' to refer to other Ainu groups (e.g. from a different region) or other indigenous tribes, e.g. from the nearest parts of the Asian mainland, or from Sakhalin and the Kurils.

Ainu men often wore their hair and beards long. Their clothes were wrapped with the left side on top, the opposite of Japanese customs, and they wore fur boots, which were quite unlike the straw sandals (''[[zori]]'' or ''[[waraji]]'') Japanese were used to. The Ainu did not grow rice, though they did buy it (or trade for it) from the Japanese; their diet included a lot of deer, bear, and fish (especially salmon). They had no written language, though Japanese scholars later developed a system of representing Ainu sounds in Japanese ''[[kana]]'' through the introduction of a handful of new symbols.

Ainu men often wore their hair and beards long. Their clothes were wrapped with the left side on top, the opposite of Japanese customs, and they wore fur boots, which were quite unlike the straw sandals (''[[zori]]'' or ''[[waraji]]'') Japanese were used to. The Ainu did not grow rice, though they did buy it (or trade for it) from the Japanese; their diet included a lot of deer, bear, and fish (especially salmon). They had no written language, though Japanese scholars later developed a system of representing Ainu sounds in Japanese ''[[kana]]'' through the introduction of a handful of new symbols.

Indeed, as the Japanese began to sense a threat from Russian encroachment in the 1730s-40s, and especially around the 1790s-1800s, "Japanization" of the Ainu was pursued with greater fervor. The Ainu may have been considered outsiders, and on the periphery, but it was still considered "our" periphery in the eyes of the Japanese, a place and a people with whom the Japanese had a long relationship, and from whom the Japanese got fish, furs, and much other important commerce; there was a fear of losing all of this to the Russians, who were actively building Russian Orthodox churches in the Kurils and elsewhere, and converting the native peoples. The shogunate's assimilation efforts were directed, therefore, not at the Ainu living closer to Matsumae-chi, but at those living nearest the areas of Russian encroachment, in order to solidify the Japaneseness of the Ainu there. Intermarriage was encouraged, and ceremonies celebrating "''kaizoku no shûgi''" (改俗の祝儀, "the improvement of customs") were held, in which Ainu were given Japanese-style dress and haircuts. Since Japanese society was highly stratified, however, assimilating Ainu into it meant assigning them a place within the system, and signs of their new status; most Ainu were given castoff peasants' clothing, but their village headmen, elders, and the like were often given ''[[haori]]'' or other elements of a higher-status costume, signs of a status position above peasants but below samurai officials.<ref name=frontier13>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p13.</ref>

Indeed, as the Japanese began to sense a threat from Russian encroachment in the 1730s-40s, and especially around the 1790s-1800s, "Japanization" of the Ainu was pursued with greater fervor. The Ainu may have been considered outsiders, and on the periphery, but it was still considered "our" periphery in the eyes of the Japanese, a place and a people with whom the Japanese had a long relationship, and from whom the Japanese got fish, furs, and much other important commerce; there was a fear of losing all of this to the Russians, who were actively building Russian Orthodox churches in the Kurils and elsewhere, and converting the native peoples. The shogunate's assimilation efforts were directed, therefore, not at the Ainu living closer to Matsumae-chi, but at those living nearest the areas of Russian encroachment, in order to solidify the Japaneseness of the Ainu there. Intermarriage was encouraged, and ceremonies celebrating "''kaizoku no shûgi''" (改俗の祝儀, "the improvement of customs") were held, in which Ainu were given Japanese-style dress and haircuts. Since Japanese society was highly stratified, however, assimilating Ainu into it meant assigning them a place within the system, and signs of their new status; most Ainu were given castoff peasants' clothing, but their village headmen, elders, and the like were often given ''[[haori]]'' or other elements of a higher-status costume, signs of a status position above peasants but below samurai officials.<ref name=frontier13>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p13.</ref>

Some shogunate officials and other thinkers and writers suggested that the shogunate ought to seize Ezo, the [[Kurile Islands]], and [[Sakhalin]], in order to fend off the Russians and claim the Ainu (and the economic benefits they represented) more securely for Japan.

Some shogunate officials and other thinkers and writers suggested that the shogunate ought to seize Ezo, the Kuril Islands, and Sakhalin, in order to fend off the Russians and claim the Ainu (and the economic benefits they represented) more securely for Japan.

Indeed, in [[1799]], and again in [[1807]], the shogunate laid claim to lands in these areas, returning them to the responsibility of the Matsumae clan only in [[1821]], after fears of Russian encroachment subsided. At that time, policies or attitudes about the Japanization of the Ainu were reversed. Discursively, it lent greater power and legitimacy to the Matsumae clan, and to the shogunate, to appear to have a foreign people submitting themselves to Japanese dominion; the [[Shimazu clan]] of [[Satsuma han]] engaged in similar discursive activities in their relations with the [[Kingdom of Ryukyu|Kingdom of Ryûkyû]].

Indeed, in [[1799]], and again in [[1807]], the shogunate laid claim to lands in these areas, returning them to the responsibility of the Matsumae clan only in [[1821]], after fears of Russian encroachment subsided. At that time, policies or attitudes about the Japanization of the Ainu were reversed. Discursively, it lent greater power and legitimacy to the Matsumae clan, and to the shogunate, to appear to have a foreign people submitting themselves to Japanese dominion; the [[Shimazu clan]] of [[Satsuma han]] engaged in similar discursive activities in their relations with the [[Kingdom of Ryukyu|Kingdom of Ryûkyû]].

In the end, a [[Hokkaido Development Commission|colonial government agency]]<!--kaitakushi 開拓使--> was established, with [[Horace Capron]], a former US Secretary of Agriculture who played a prominent role in suppressing Native American opposition to American expansion, as one of the chief advisors. After a series of surveys and investigations, the [[o-yatoi gaikokujin|Western experts]] who had been brought in by the Japanese government disagreed widely. Capron took the lead, suggesting a directed effort to bring in Japanese settlers to colonize Hokkaidô; deciding that the land was no good for growing rice, he advocated a more American way of life, raising wheat, eating bread, and living in Western-style brick homes with Western-style furniture and a largely Western-style diet. This latter set of suggestions was ultimately not followed, however, as lifestyle in Hokkaidô was instead adapted to conform to more Japanese norms - even if the land were indeed better for raising wheat and other grains rather than rice, a hardier strain of rice plant was instead developed, and other elements of Japanese culture and lifestyle were introduced (or imposed).<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p14.</ref>

In the end, a [[Hokkaido Development Commission|colonial government agency]]<!--kaitakushi 開拓使--> was established, with [[Horace Capron]], a former US Secretary of Agriculture who played a prominent role in suppressing Native American opposition to American expansion, as one of the chief advisors. After a series of surveys and investigations, the [[o-yatoi gaikokujin|Western experts]] who had been brought in by the Japanese government disagreed widely. Capron took the lead, suggesting a directed effort to bring in Japanese settlers to colonize Hokkaidô; deciding that the land was no good for growing rice, he advocated a more American way of life, raising wheat, eating bread, and living in Western-style brick homes with Western-style furniture and a largely Western-style diet. This latter set of suggestions was ultimately not followed, however, as lifestyle in Hokkaidô was instead adapted to conform to more Japanese norms - even if the land were indeed better for raising wheat and other grains rather than rice, a hardier strain of rice plant was instead developed, and other elements of Japanese culture and lifestyle were introduced (or imposed).<ref>Morris-Suzuki. "Creating the Frontier." p14.</ref>

The [[Meiji government]]'s policies towards the Ainu seem ambiguous, confusing, or hypocritical in terms of the implications for the racial ideas behind them. Ainu were dispossessed of their lands, and their traditional systems of land rights & hunting/fishing rights eradicated. Under the [[Former Natives Protection Law]] of [[1899]], the seized lands were then reapportioned by the state, divvied up to the Ainu, who were given up to five hectares of land to farm, along with tools, seed, and other materials. The Ainu were encouraged to assimilate and adopt Japanese customs, and were officially designated as ''kyûdojin'' (旧土人), or "former aborigines," a term meant to highlight that Ainu identity was a thing of the past, and that they were now "Japanese." However, the "former Ainu" were at the same time acknowledged as a special, different, group worthy of government concern and welfare, their financial assets seized by the state and re-apportioned to programs aimed at ensuring their "welfare." Even as the Ainu were encouraged to become Japanese citizens, to assimilate into the newly created and supposedly homogenous Japanese identity, and to be seen as Japanese, they continued to be treated as Other in many contexts and venues. At a [[1903]] [[Fifth Domestic Exposition|domestic exposition in Osaka]], mirroring the [[St. Louis World's Fair]] which would take place the next year on a more international stage, Ainu were put on display alongside [[Taiwanese aborigines]], Koreans, and others, in a "Pavilion of Mankind," essentially, a "human zoo," where Japanese visitors could see how less civilized people look and how they live.

The [[Meiji government]]'s policies towards the Ainu seem ambiguous, confusing, or hypocritical in terms of the implications for the racial ideas behind them. Ainu were dispossessed of their lands, and their traditional systems of land rights & hunting/fishing rights eradicated. Under the [[Former Natives Protection Law]] of [[1899]], the seized lands were then reapportioned by the state, divvied up to the Ainu, who were given up to five hectares of land to farm, along with tools, seed, and other materials. The Ainu were encouraged to assimilate and adopt Japanese customs, and were officially designated as ''kyûdojin'' (旧土人), or "former aborigines," a term meant to highlight that Ainu identity was a thing of the past, and that they were now "Japanese." However, the "former Ainu" were at the same time acknowledged as a special, different, group worthy of government concern and welfare, their financial assets seized by the state and re-apportioned to programs aimed at ensuring their "welfare." Even as the Ainu were encouraged to become Japanese citizens, to assimilate into the newly created and supposedly homogenous Japanese identity, and to be seen as Japanese, they continued to be treated as Other in many contexts and venues. At a [[1903]] [[Fifth Domestic Exposition|domestic exposition in Osaka]], mirroring the [[St. Louis World's Fair]] which would take place the next year on a more international stage, Ainu were put on display alongside [[Taiwanese aborigines]], Koreans, and others, in a "Pavilion of Mankind," essentially, a "human zoo," where Japanese visitors could see how less civilized people look and how they live.

Though deprived of their traditional hunting & fishing grounds, and of their financial assets, Ainu were at least promised a certain amount of land - five ''chô'' per household - by the government; the government ran out of land to give out ten years later, in [[1909]]. The program had further problems as the land given to the Ainu to farm was not always the most fertile or arable land, and as the Ainu were not used to farming, at least not in the manner or with the particular crops that the Japanese now encouraged. Many crops failed, leading to famine, underdevelopment of the land overall, and widespread poverty, issues which set the foundation for continued underdevelopment and economic issues in Hokkaidô today.

Though deprived of their traditional hunting & fishing grounds, and of their financial assets, Ainu were at least promised a certain amount of land - five ''chô'' per household - by the government; the government ran out of land to give out ten years later, in [[1909]]. The program had further problems as the land given to the Ainu to farm was not always the most fertile or arable land, and as the Ainu were not used to farming, at least not in the manner or with the particular crops that the Japanese now encouraged. Many crops failed, leading to famine, underdevelopment of the land overall, and widespread poverty, issues which set the foundation for continued underdevelopment and economic issues in Hokkaidô today.