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Though an ''iemoto'' can be described as the "house head," that is, the head of a school or family, the characters used to write the term might be more literally translated as "origin/source house." The term is said to have come into use around [[1757]], as the heads of schools began to identify themselves, and their schools, as the authoritative origin, or source, of the authentic version of a given art.<ref>Cang, 74.</ref> Their claims to authority in this respect were often tied closely to lineage, charting a direct descent from disciple-to-master, back to an authoritative founding figure. For the three chief schools of tea, this figure is [[Sen no Rikyu|Sen no Rikyû]]; by claiming direct descent from Rikyû's methods, techniques, and aesthetic values, the tea schools are able to boast legitimacy, and authenticity of their tradition.
Though an ''iemoto'' can be described as the "house head," that is, the head of a school or family, the characters used to write the term might be more literally translated as "origin/source house." The term is said to have come into use around [[1757]], as the heads of schools began to identify themselves, and their schools, as the authoritative origin, or source, of the authentic version of a given art.<ref>Cang, 74.</ref> Their claims to authority in this respect were often tied closely to lineage, charting a direct descent from disciple-to-master, back to an authoritative founding figure. For the three chief schools of tea, this figure is [[Sen no Rikyu|Sen no Rikyû]]; by claiming direct descent from Rikyû's methods, techniques, and aesthetic values, the tea schools are able to boast legitimacy, and authenticity of their tradition.
Voltaire Cang argues that the ''iemoto'' system was able to develop because, by the 1750s or so, many arts had grown to have enough of a following that they could support themselves by following their own aesthetic or artistic path, rather than being beholden to the whims of a more limited set of patrons. Many became able to rely entirely on income from sources such as students paying for certification, thus freeing themselves entirely of reliance on patrons. As a result, schools could develop and maintain their own distinctive styles and forms in a more concerted manner, and pass these on to new generations of students. The ''iemoto'' style of teaching, in which an ''iemoto'' sat at the top of a hierarchy of professionals, semi-professionals, and amateurs, emerged at this time.
Voltaire Cang argues that the ''iemoto'' system was able to develop because, by the 1750s or so, many arts had grown to have enough of a following that they could support themselves by following their own aesthetic or artistic path, rather than being beholden to the whims of a more limited set of patrons. Many became able to rely entirely on income from sources such as students paying for certification, thus freeing themselves entirely of reliance on patrons. As a result, schools could develop and maintain their own distinctive styles and forms in a more concerted manner, and pass these on to new generations of students. The ''iemoto'' style of teaching, in which an ''iemoto'' sat at the top of a hierarchy of professionals, semi-professionals, and amateurs, emerged at this time, and any given school or master gained strength and prestige from having an ever-growing hierarchy of students and masters under it/him - or, from the reputation of an extremely limited and select group permitted entry.
The development of the ''iemoto'' system represents a significant change in how the arts were passed down, and how artistic networks were organized. In the medieval period, any accredited master could accredit others to go take on their own students; this resulted in quick and extensive spread for many arts, but did not create tight-knit networks. Under the ''iemoto'' system, the ''iemoto'' (grand master) claims exclusive right to accredit teachers, thus strengthening the value of the accreditation, and creating a more tightly-connected network of members of the school. Under this system, all students and teachers within the school benefit from the prestige of being associated with, and accredited under, a recognized school, while the ''iemoto'' and the school itself benefits from the prestige of having so many adherents.<ref>[[Eiko Ikegami]], ''Bonds of Civility'', Cambridge University Press (2005), 168.</ref>
==Characteristics==
==Characteristics==
In many arts operating within the ''iemoto'' system, there is little flexibility or freedom for practitioners to deviate from the styles, techniques, or forms handed down from above (i.e. from the master, or the ''iemoto''). Within a given school, the system of training, and of progression, is typically highly codified, with many arts holding secret teachings which are only made known to those adepts who have trained long enough to achieve a particular level within the hierarchy.
In many arts operating within the ''iemoto'' system, there is little flexibility or freedom for practitioners to deviate from the styles, techniques, or forms handed down from above (i.e. from the master, or the ''iemoto''). Within a given school, the system of training, and of progression, is typically highly codified, with many arts holding secret teachings which are only made known to those adepts who have trained long enough to achieve a particular level within the hierarchy.
The [[Ryukyu Kingdom|Ryûkyû Kingdom]] did not traditionally have an ''iemoto'' system, but many traditional Ryukyuan arts came to incorporate the ''iemoto'' system in the [[Meiji period]]. While there are those who now consider this a part of the tradition of their school, or of Okinawan arts more generally, there are those who are working to reject or undo the imposition of the ''iemoto'' system into Okinawan arts.
==Professional Names & Fictional Family System==
==Professional Names & Fictional Family System==
